Barry goldwater wikipedia

Barry goldwater wikipedia DEFAULT

Electoral history of Barry Goldwater

Senator Barry Goldwater (R-AZ)

Electoral history of Barry Goldwater, United States Senator from Arizona (1953–1965, 1969–1987) and Republican Party nominee for President of the United States during 1964 election

Phoenix City Council, At-large district, 1949:[1]

Elected:

Defeated:

  • Rocky Ford – 4,678 (4.9%)
  • Tony Grosso – 3,000 (3.2%)
  • James H. Kerby – 2,177 (2.3%)

Phoenix City Council, At-large district, 1951:[2]

Elected:

Defeated:

  • A.J. Beaty
  • Guz Rodriguez
  • Charles Romaine
  • Calvin R. Sanders
  • John W. Strode
  • James A. Tilley, Sr.

Republican primary for the United States Senator (class 1) from Arizona, 1952:[3]

United States Senate election in Arizona, 1952:[4]

  • Barry Goldwater (R) – 132,063 (51.3%)
  • Ernest McFarland (D) (inc.) – 125,338 (48.7%)

United States Senate election in Arizona, 1958:[5]

  • Barry Goldwater (R) (inc.) – 164,593 (56.1%)
  • Ernest McFarland (D) – 129,030 (43.9%)

1960 Republican presidential primaries:[6]

  • Richard Nixon – 4,975,938 (86.6%)
  • Unpledged – 314,234 (5.5%)
  • George H. Bender – 211,090 (3.7%)
  • Cecil H. Underwood – 123,756 (2.2%)
  • James M. Lloyd – 48,461 (0.8%)
  • Nelson Rockefeller – 30,639 (0.5%)
  • Frank R. Beckwith – 19,677 (0.3%)
  • John F. Kennedy – 12,817 (0.2%)
  • Barry Goldwater – 3,146 (0.1%)
  • Paul C. Fisher – 3,146 (0.1%)
  • Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr. – 514 (0.0%)
  • Dwight D. Eisenhower (inc.) – 172 (0.0%)
  • Styles Bridges – 108 (0.0%)

1960 Republican National Convention (presidential tally):[7]

1960 United States presidential election:

1960 presidential election

1964 Republican presidential primaries:[8]

  • Barry Goldwater – 2,267,079 (38.3%)
  • Nelson Rockefeller – 1,304,204 (22.1%)
  • James A. Rhodes – 615,754 (10.4%)
  • Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr. – 386,661 (6.5%)
  • John W. Byrnes – 299,612 (5.1%)
  • William Scranton – 245,401 (4.2%)
  • Margaret Chase Smith – 227,007 (3.8%)
  • Richard Nixon – 197,212 (3.3%)
  • Unpledged – 173,652 (2.9%)
  • Harold Stassen – 114,083 (1.9%)
1964 Republican primaries results by state Technically in South Dakota and Florida, Goldwater finished in second to "Unpledged Delegates," but he finished before all other candidates.

1964 Republican National Convention (presidential tally):[9]

1964 presidential elections

1964 United States presidential election:

United States Senate election in Arizona, 1968:[10]

  • Barry Goldwater (R) – 274,607 (57.2%)
  • Roy Elson (D) – 205,338 (42.8%)

United States Senate election in Arizona, 1974:[11]

United States Senate election in Arizona, 1980:[12]

References[edit]

Sours: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Electoral_history_of_Barry_Goldwater

Barry Goldwater

American politician from Arizona

"Goldwater" redirects here. For other uses, see Goldwater (disambiguation).

This article is about the late United States Senator and Presidential nominee. For his son, see Barry Goldwater Jr.

Barry Goldwater

Senator Goldwater 1960.jpg

Goldwater in 1960

In office
January 3, 1969 – January 3, 1987
Preceded byCarl Hayden
Succeeded byJohn McCain
In office
January 3, 1953 – January 3, 1965
Preceded byErnest McFarland
Succeeded byPaul Fannin
In office
January 3, 1985 – January 3, 1987
Preceded byJohn Tower
Succeeded bySam Nunn
In office
January 3, 1981 – January 3, 1985
Preceded byBirch Bayh
Succeeded byDavid Durenberger
In office
1950–1952
Born

Barry Morris Goldwater


(1909-01-02)January 2, 1909
Phoenix, Arizona Territory, U.S.
DiedMay 29, 1998(1998-05-29) (aged 89)
Paradise Valley, Arizona, U.S.
Political partyRepublican
Spouse(s)

Margaret Johnson

(m. 1934; died 1985)​

Susan Shaffer Wechsler

(m. 1992)​
Children4, including Barry Jr.
EducationUniversity of Arizona (did not graduate)
Signature
AllegianceUnited States
Branch/service
Years of service
  • 1941–1945 (USAAF)
  • 1945–1952 (ANG)
  • 1952–1967 (USAFR)
Rank
Unit
Battles/wars

Barry Morris Goldwater (January 2, 1909[1] – May 29, 1998) was an American politician, statesman, businessman, United States Air Force officer, and author who was a five-term Senator from Arizona (1953–1965, 1969–1987) and the Republican Party nominee for president of the United States in 1964. Goldwater is the politician most often credited with having sparked the resurgence of the American conservative political movement in the 1960s. Despite his loss of the 1964 presidential election in a landslide, many political pundits and historians believe he laid the foundation for the conservative revolution to follow, as the grassroots organization and conservative takeover of the Republican party began a long-term realignment in American politics which helped to bring about the "Reagan Revolution" of the 1980s. He also had a substantial impact on the libertarian movement.[2]

Goldwater was born in Phoenix in what was then the Arizona Territory, where he helped manage his family's department store. Upon the U.S. entry into World War II, Goldwater received a reserve commission in the United States Army Air Force. He trained as a pilot and was assigned to the Ferry Command, a newly formed unit that flew aircraft and supplies to war zones worldwide. After the war, Goldwater was elected to the Phoenix City Council in 1949 and won election to the U.S. Senate in 1952.

In the Senate, Goldwater rejected the legacy of the New Deal and, along with the conservative coalition, fought against the New Deal coalition. Goldwater also had a reputation as a "maverick" for his challenging his party's moderate to liberal wing on policy issues. A member of the NAACP and active supporter of desegregation in Phoenix,[3][4] Goldwater voted in favor of the Civil Rights Act of 1957 and the 24th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution, but reluctantly opposed the Civil Rights Act of 1964, despite believing in racial equality he felt one of its provisions to be unconstitutional and a potential overreach of the federal government—a decision that considerably anguished him.[3] In 1964, Goldwater mobilized a large conservative constituency to win the hard-fought Republican presidential primaries. Although raised as an Episcopalian,[5] Goldwater was the first candidate of Jewish descent (through his father) to be nominated for president by a major American party.[6][7] Goldwater's platform ultimately failed to gain the support of the electorate and he lost the 1964 presidential election to incumbent DemocratLyndon B. Johnson by one of the largest margins in history. Goldwater returned to the Senate in 1969 and specialized in defense and foreign policy. As an elder statesman of the party, Goldwater, who was respected by his colleagues for his honor and dedication to principle, successfully urged President Richard Nixon to resign in 1974 when evidence of a cover-up in the Watergate scandal became overwhelming and impeachment was imminent.

Goldwater narrowly won re-election in 1980 for what would be his final and most influential term in the senate. In 1986, Goldwater oversaw passage of the Goldwater–Nichols Act, arguably his most significant legislative achievement, which strengthened civilian authority in the Department of Defense. The following year, he retired from the Senate and was succeeded by Congressman John McCain, who praised his predecessor as the man who "transformed the Republican Party from an Eastern elitist organization to the breeding ground for the election of Ronald Reagan". Goldwater strongly supported the 1980 presidential campaign of Reagan, who had become the standard-bearer of the conservative movement after his "A Time for Choosing" speech. Reagan reflected many of the principles of Goldwater's earlier run in his campaign. The Washington Post columnist George Will took note of this, writing: "We ... who voted for him in 1964 believe he won, it just took 16 years to count the votes".

Goldwater's views on social and cultural issues grew increasingly libertarian as he neared the end of his career. After leaving the Senate, Goldwater's views on social issues cemented as libertarian. He criticized the "moneymaking ventures by fellows like Pat Robertson and others [in the Republican Party] who are trying to ... make a religious organization out of it." He supported homosexuals serving openly in the military,[9][10] environmental protection, abortion rights,[11][12] and the legalization of medicinal marijuana.[13]

Early life and family background

Goldwater was born in Phoenix in what was then the Arizona Territory, the son of Baron M. Goldwater and his wife, Hattie Josephine "JoJo" Williams. His father's family founded Goldwater's Department Store, a leading upscale department store in Phoenix.[14] Goldwater's paternal grandfather, Michel Goldwasser, a Polish Jew, was born in 1821 in Konin, then part of Congress Poland. He emigrated to London following the Revolutions of 1848. Soon after arriving in London, Michel anglicized his name to Michael Goldwater. Michel married Sarah Nathan, a member of an English-Jewish family, in the Great Synagogue of London.[15][16] The Goldwaters later emigrated to the United States, first arriving in San Francisco, California before finally settling in the Arizona Territory, where Michael Goldwater opened a small department store that was later taken over and expanded by his three sons, Henry, Baron and Morris.[17]Morris Goldwater (1852–1939) was an Arizona territorial and state legislator, mayor of Prescott, Arizona, delegate to the Arizona Constitutional Convention and later President of the Arizona State Senate.[18]

Goldwater's father, Baron was Jewish; but he was raised in his mother's Episcopalian faith. Hattie Williams came from an established New England family that included the theologian Roger Williams of Rhode Island. Goldwater's parents were married in an Episcopal church in Phoenix; for his entire life, Goldwater was an Episcopalian, though on rare occasions he referred to himself as Jewish.[20] While he did not often attend church, he stated that "If a man acts in a religious way, an ethical way, then he's really a religious man—and it doesn't have a lot to do with how often he gets inside a church."[21][23]

After he did poorly as a freshman in high school, Goldwater's parents sent him to Staunton Military Academy in Virginia where he played varsity football, basketball, track and swimming, was senior class treasurer and attained the rank of captain.[20][24] He graduated from the academy in 1928 and enrolled at the University of Arizona.[24][25] but dropped out after one year. Barry Goldwater is the most recent non-college graduate to be the nominee of a major political party in a presidential election. Goldwater entered the family's business around the time of his father's death in 1930. Six years later, he took over the department store, though he was not particularly enthused about running the business.[20]

Military career

With America's entry into World War II, Goldwater received a reserve commission in the United States Army Air Force. Goldwater trained as a pilot and was assigned to the Ferry Command, a newly formed unit that flew aircraft and supplies to war zones worldwide. He spent most of the war flying between the U.S. and India, via the Azores and North Africa or South America, Nigeria, and Central Africa. Goldwater also flew "the hump", one of the most dangerous routes for supply planes during WWII, as it required aircraft to fly directly over the Himalayas in order to deliver desperately needed supplies to the Republic of China.[26]

Following World War II, Goldwater was a leading proponent of creating the United States Air Force Academy, and later served on the Academy's Board of Visitors. The visitor center at the Academy is now named in his honor. Goldwater remained in the Army Air Reserve after the war and in 1946, at the rank of Colonel, Goldwater founded the Arizona Air National Guard. Goldwater ordered the Arizona Air National Guard desegregated, two years before the rest of the U.S. military. Goldwater was instrumental in pushing the Pentagon to support the desegregation of the armed services.[27]

Goldwater remained in the Arizona Air National Guard until 1967, retiring as a Command Pilot with the rank of major general.[28] By that time, he had flown 165 different types of aircraft. As an Air Force Reserve major general, he continued piloting aircraft, including the B-52 Stratofortress, until late in his military career.

As a U.S. Senator, Goldwater had a sign in his office that referenced his military career and mindset: "There are old pilots and there are bold pilots, but there are no old, bold pilots."[29]

Early political career

In a heavily Democratic state, Goldwater became a conservative Republican and a friend of Herbert Hoover. He was outspoken against New Deal liberalism, especially its close ties to labor unions. A pilot, amateur radio operator, outdoorsman and photographer, he criss-crossed Arizona and developed a deep interest in both the natural and the human history of the state. He entered Phoenix politics in 1949, when he was elected to the City Council as part of a nonpartisan team of candidates pledged to clean up widespread prostitution and gambling. The team won every mayoral and council election for the next two decades. Goldwater rebuilt the weak Republican party and was instrumental in electing Howard Pyle as Governor in 1950.[30][31]

Local support for civil rights

Barry Goldwater was fundamentally a staunch supporter of racial equality. Goldwater integrated his family's business upon taking over control in the 1930s. A lifetime member of the NAACP, Goldwater helped found the group's Arizona chapter. Goldwater saw to it that the Arizona Air National Guard was racially integrated from its inception in 1946, two years before President Truman ordered the military as a whole be integrated (a process that was not completed until 1954). Goldwater worked with Phoenix civil rights leaders to successfully integrate public schools a year prior to Brown vs. Board of Education.[32][33]

Goldwater was an early member and largely unrecognized supporter of the National Urban League Phoenix chapter, going so far as to cover the group's early operating deficits with his personal funds.[34][35] Though the NAACP denounced Goldwater in the harshest of terms when he ran for president; the Urban League conferred on Goldwater the 1991 Humanitarian Award "for 50 years of loyal service to the Phoenix Urban League." In response to League members who objected, citing Goldwater's vote on the Civil Rights Act of 1964, the League president pointed out that Goldwater had saved the League more than once and he preferred to judge a person "on the basis of his daily actions rather than on his voting record."[35]

Senator

Running as a Republican, Goldwater won a narrow upset victory seat in the 1952, against veteran Democrat and Senate Majority Leader Ernest McFarland. He won largely by defeating McFarland in his native Maricopa County by 12,600 votes, almost double the overall margin of 6,725 votes. As a measure of how Democratic Arizona had been since joining the Union 40 years earlier, Goldwater was only the second Republican ever to represent Arizona in the Senate.

In his first year in the Senate, Goldwater was responsible for the desegregation of the Senate cafeteria after he insisted that his black legislative assistant, Katherine Maxwell, be served along with every other Senate employee.[36]

Goldwater defeated McFarland by a larger margin when he ran again in 1958. Following his strong re-election showing, he became the first Arizona Republican to win a second term in the U.S. Senate. Goldwater's victory was all the more remarkable since it came in a year Democrats gained 13 seats in the Senate. He did not seek re-election for the Senate in 1964, deciding to focus instead on his presidential campaign.

During his Senate career, Goldwater was regarded as the "Grand Old Man of the Republican Party and one of the nation's most respected exponents of conservatism".[37]

Criticism of the Eisenhower administration

Goldwater was outspoken about the Eisenhower administration, calling some of the policies of the Eisenhower administration too liberal for a Republican president. "...Democrats delighted in pointing out that the junior senator was so headstrong that he had gone out his way to criticize the president of his own party."[38] There was a Democratic majority in Congress for most of Eisenhower's career and Goldwater felt that President Dwight Eisenhower was compromising too much with Democrats in order to get legislation passed. Early on in his career as a senator for Arizona, he criticized the $71.8 billion budget that President Eisenhower sent to Congress, stating "Now, however, I am not so sure. A $71.8 billion budget not only shocks me, but it weakens my faith."[39] Goldwater opposed Eisenhower's pick of Earl Warren for Chief Justice of the Supreme Court. "The day that Eisenhower appointed Governor Earl Warren of California as Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, Goldwater did not hesitate to express his misgivings."[40]

Stance on civil rights

In his first year in the Senate, Goldwater was responsible for the desegregation of the Senate cafeteria after he insisted that his black legislative assistant, Katherine Maxwell, be served along with every other Senate employee.[36]

Goldwater and the Eisenhower administration supported the integration of schools in the south, but Goldwater felt the states should choose how they wanted to integrate and should not be forced by the federal government. "Goldwater criticized the use of federal troops. He accused the Eisenhower administration of violating the Constitution by assuming powers reserved by the states. While he agreed that under the law, every state should have integrated its schools, each state should integrate in its own way."[41] There were high-ranking government officials following Goldwater's critical stance on the Eisenhower administration, even an Army General. "Fulbright's startling revelation that military personnel were being indoctrinated with the idea that the policies of the Commander in Chief were treasonous dovetailed with the return to the news of the strange case of General Edwin Walker."[42]

Goldwater repeatedly introduced amendments to labor bills that would outlaw racial discrimination in labor unions, however, labor unions successfully used their political influence to defeat Goldwater's proposals. Goldwater voted in favor of both Civil Rights Act of 1957 and the 24th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution but did not vote on the Civil Rights Act of 1960.[43][44][45] While he did vote in favor of it while in committee, Goldwater reluctantly voted against the Civil Rights Act of 1964 when it came to the floor.[46] Later, Goldwater would state that he was mostly in support of the bill, but he disagreed with Title II and VII, which both dealt with employment, making him infer that the law would end in the government dictating hiring and firing policy for millions of Americans.[47]

Congressional Republicans overwhelmingly supported the bill, with Goldwater being joined by only 5 other Republican senators in voting against it.[48][49] It is likely that Goldwater significantly underestimated the effect this would have, as his vote against the bill hurt him with voters across the country, including from his own party. However, in the 1990s, Goldwater would later call his vote on the Civil Rights Act, “one of his greatest regrets."[35]

See also: 1964 United States presidential election

Goldwater's maverick and direct style had made him extremely popular with Republican Party's suburban conservative voters, based on the South and the senator's native West. Following the success of Conscience of a Conservative, Goldwater became the frontrunner for the GOP Presidential nomination to run against his close friend John F. Kennedy.[50] Despite their disagreements on politics, Goldwater and Kennedy had grown to become close friends during the eight years they served alongside each other in the Senate. With Goldwater the clear GOP frontrunner, he and JFK began planning to campaign together, holding Lincoln-Douglas style debates across the country and avoiding a race defined by the kind of negative attacks that were increasingly coming to define American politics.[51]

Republican primary

See also: Barry Goldwater 1964 presidential campaign and 1964 United States presidential election

Republican primaries results by state In South Dakota and Florida, Goldwater finished second to "unpledged delegates", but he finished before all other candidates

Goldwater was grief-stricken by the assassination of Kennedy and was greatly disappointed that his opponent in 1964 would not be Kennedy but instead his vice president, former Senate Majority Leader Lyndon B. Johnson of Texas.[53] Goldwater disliked Johnson, later saying he "used every dirty trick in the bag." Goldwater struggled to emotionally recover for a campaign against Lyndon Johnson. The fallout from Kennedy's assassination, coupled with Goldwater's vote against the 1964 Civil Rights Act, greatly reduced his viability as a national candidate as well as his popularity within the Republican party.

At the time of Goldwater's presidential candidacy, the Republican Party was split between its conservative wing (based in the West and South) and moderate/liberal wing, sometimes called Rockefeller Republicans (based in the Northeast and Midwest). Goldwater alarmed even some of his fellow partisans with his brand of staunch fiscal conservatism and militant anti-communism. He was viewed by many moderate and liberal Republicans as being too far on the right wing of the political spectrum to appeal to the mainstream majority necessary to win a national election. As a result, moderate and liberal Republicans recruited a series of opponents, including New York Governor Nelson Rockefeller, Henry Cabot Lodge Jr., of Massachusetts and Pennsylvania Governor William Scranton, to challenge him. Goldwater received solid backing from most of the few Southern Republicans then in politics. A young Birmingham lawyer, John Grenier, secured commitments from 271 of 279 Southern convention delegates to back Goldwater. Grenier would serve as executive director of the national GOP during the Goldwater campaign, the number 2 position to party chairman Dean Burch of Arizona. Goldwater fought and won a multi-candidate race for the Republican Party's presidential nomination. Goldwater's main rival was New York Governor Nelson Rockefeller, whom he defeated by a narrow margin in California's winner take all primary, a win that secured Goldwater's victory for the nomination.

1964 Republican National Convention

See also: 1964 Republican National Convention

Eisenhower gave his support to Goldwater when he told reporters, "I personally believe that Goldwater is not an extremist as some people have made him, but in any event we're all Republicans."[54] His nomination was staunchly opposed by the so-called Liberal Republicans, who thought Goldwater's demand for active measures to defeat the Soviet Union would foment a nuclear war. In addition to Rockefeller, prominent Republican office-holders across the northeast refused to endorse Goldwater's candidacy, including both Republican Senators from New York Kenneth B. Keating and Jacob Javits, Governor Scranton of Pennsylvania and Congressman John V. Lindsay (NY-17).[55] Rockefeller Republican Jackie Robinson walked out of the convention in disgust over Goldwater's nomination.[56]

In the face of such opposition, Goldwater delivered a well-received acceptance speech. The author Lee Edwards says "[Goldwater] devoted more care [to it] than to any other speech in his political career. And with good reason: he would deliver it to the largest and most attentive audience of his life."[57] Journalist John Adams says, "his acceptance speech was bold, reflecting his conservative views, but not irrational. Rather than shrinking from those critics who accuse him of extremism, Goldwater challenged them head-on" in his acceptance speech at the 1964 Republican Convention.[58] In his own words:

I would remind you that extremism in the defense of liberty is no vice. And let me remind you also that moderation in the pursuit of justice is no virtue.[59]

His paraphrase of Cicero was included at the suggestion of Harry V. Jaffa, though the speech was primarily written by Karl Hess. Because of President Johnson's popularity, Goldwater refrained from attacking the president directly. He did not mention Johnson by name at all in his convention speech.

General election campaign

Ronald Reaganspeaks for presidential candidate Goldwater in Los Angeles, 1964

Former U.S. Senator Prescott Bush, a moderate Republican from Connecticut, was a friend of Goldwater and supported him in the general election campaign. Bush's son, George H. W. Bush (then running for the Senate from Texas against Democrat Ralph Yarborough), was also a strong Goldwater supporter in both the nomination and general election campaigns.

Future Chief Justice of the United States and fellow Arizonan William H. Rehnquist also first came to the attention of national Republicans through his work as a legal adviser to Goldwater's presidential campaign. Rehnquist had begun his law practice in 1953 in the firm of Denison Kitchel of Phoenix, Goldwater's national campaign manager and friend of nearly three decades.[60]

Goldwater was painted as a dangerous figure by the Johnson campaign, which countered Goldwater's slogan "In your heart, you know he's right" with the lines "In your guts, you know he's nuts," and "In your heart, you know he might" (that is, he might actually use nuclear weapons as opposed to using only deterrence). Johnson himself did not mention Goldwater in his own acceptance speech at the 1964 Democratic National Convention.

Goldwater's provocative advocacy of active interventionism to prevent the spread of communism and defend American values and allies led to effective counterattacks from Lyndon B. Johnson and his supporters, who claimed that Goldwater's militancy would have dire consequences, possibly even nuclear war. In a May 1964 speech, Goldwater suggested that nuclear weapons should be treated more like conventional weapons and used in Vietnam, specifically that they should have been used at Dien Bien Phu in 1954 to defoliate trees.[61] Regarding Vietnam, Goldwater charged that Johnson's policy was devoid of "goal, course, or purpose," leaving "only sudden death in the jungles and the slow strangulation of freedom".[62] Goldwater's rhetoric on nuclear war was viewed by many as quite uncompromising, a view buttressed by off-hand comments such as, "Let's lob one into the men's room at the Kremlin."[63] He also advocated that field commanders in Vietnam and Europe should be given the authority to use tactical nuclear weapons (which he called "small conventional nuclear weapons") without presidential confirmation.[64]

1964 presidential campaign bumper sticker representing the Goldwater surname as Au = gold and H2O = water

Goldwater countered the Johnson attacks by criticizing the administration for its perceived ethical lapses, and stating in a commercial that "we, as a nation, are not far from the kind of moral decay that has brought on the fall of other nations and people.... I say it is time to put conscience back in government. And by good example, put it back in all walks of American life." Goldwater campaign commercials included statements of support by actor Raymond Massey[65] and moderate Republican senator Margaret Chase Smith.[66]

Before the 1964 election, Fact magazine, published by Ralph Ginzburg, ran a special issue titled "The Unconscious of a Conservative: A Special Issue on the Mind of Barry Goldwater". The two main articles contended that Goldwater was mentally unfit to be president. The magazine supported this claim with the results of a poll of board-certified psychiatrists. Fact had mailed questionnaires to 12,356 psychiatrists, receiving responses from 2,417, of whom 1,189 said Goldwater was mentally incapable of holding the office of president. Most of the other respondents declined to diagnose Goldwater because they had not clinically interviewed him but claimed that, although not psychologically unfit to preside, Goldwater would be negligent and egregious in the role.[67][68]

After the election, Goldwater sued the publisher, the editor and the magazine for libel in Goldwater v. Ginzburg. "Although the jury awarded Goldwater only $1.00 in compensatory damages against all three defendants, it went on to award him punitive damages of $25,000 against Ginzburg and $50,000 against Fact magazine, Inc."[69] According to Warren Boroson, then-managing editor of Fact and later a financial columnist, the main biography of Goldwater in the magazine was written by David Bar-Illan, the Israeli pianist.[70]

Political advertising

Main article: Daisy (advertisement)

A Democratic campaign advertisement known as Daisy showed a young girl counting daisy petals, from one to ten. Immediately following this scene, a voiceover counted down from ten to one. The child's face was shown as a still photograph followed by images of nuclear explosions and mushroom clouds. The campaign advertisement ended with a plea to vote for Johnson, implying that Goldwater (though not mentioned by name) would provoke a nuclear war if elected. The advertisement, which featured only a few spoken words and relied on imagery for its emotional impact, was one of the most provocative in American political campaign history, and many analysts credit it as being the birth of the modern style of "negative political ads" on television. The ad aired only once and was immediately pulled, but it was then shown many times by local television stations covering the controversy.[71]

Goldwater did not have ties to the Ku Klux Klan (KKK), but he was publicly endorsed by members of the organization.[72][73]Lyndon B. Johnson exploited this association during the elections,[74][75][76] but Goldwater barred the KKK from supporting him and denounced them.[77]

Throughout the presidential campaign, Goldwater refused to appeal to racial tensions or backlash against civil rights. After the outbreak of the Harlem riot of 1964, Goldwater privately gathered news reporters on his campaign plane and said that if anyone attempted to sow racial violence on his political behalf, he would withdraw from the presidential race - even if it was the day before the election.[78]

Past comments came back to haunt Goldwater throughout the campaign. He had once called the Eisenhower administration "a dime-store New Deal" and the former president never fully forgave him. However, Eisenhower did film a television commercial with Goldwater.[79] Eisenhower qualified his voting for Goldwater in November by remarking that he had voted not specifically for Goldwater, but for the Republican Party.[80] In December 1961, Goldwater had told a news conference that "sometimes I think this country would be better off if we could just saw off the Eastern Seaboard and let it float out to sea." That comment boomeranged on him during the campaign in the form of a Johnson television commercial,[81] as did remarks about making Social Security voluntary,[82] and statements in Tennessee about selling the Tennessee Valley Authority, a large local New Deal employer.[83]

The Goldwater campaign spotlighted Ronald Reagan, who appeared in a campaign ad.[84] In turn, Reagan gave a stirring, nationally televised speech, "A Time for Choosing", in support of Goldwater.[85] The speech prompted Reagan to seek the California Governorship in 1966 and jump-started his political career. Conservative activist Phyllis Schlafly, later well known for her fight against the Equal Rights Amendment, first became known for writing a pro-Goldwater book, A Choice, Not an Echo, attacking the moderate Republican establishment.

Results

Presidential election results by state

Goldwater lost to President Lyndon Johnson by a landslide, pulling down the Republican Party which lost many seats in both houses of Congress.

Goldwater only won his home state of Arizona and five states in the Deep South. The Southern states, traditionally Democratic up to that time, voted Republican primarily as a statement of opposition to the Civil Rights Act,[86] which had been signed into law by Johnson earlier that year. Outside of the South, the law was extremely popular. Despite Johnson's support for the Civil Rights Act, the bill received split support from Congressional Democrats due to southernern opposition. In contrast, Congressional Republicans overwhelmingly supported the bill, with Goldwater being joined by only 5 other Republican senators in voting against it.[48][49] Outside of the South, the Civil Rights Act was extremely popular and Goldwater's opposition to it hurt him significantly with voters across the country, including from his own party.

In the end, Goldwater received 38% of the popular vote and carried just six states: Arizona (with 51% of the popular vote) and the core states of the Deep South: Alabama, Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi, and South Carolina. In carrying Georgia by a margin of 54–45%, Goldwater became the first Republican nominee to win the state. However, the overall result was the worst showing in terms of the popular vote and electoral college vote for any post-World War II Republican. Indeed, he would not have even carried his own state if not for a 20,000-vote margin in Maricopa County.

Johnson won an overwhelming 486 electoral votes, to Goldwater's 52. Goldwater, with his customary bluntness, remarked, "We would have lost even if Abraham Lincoln had come back and campaigned with us." He maintained later in life that he would have won the election if the country had not been in a state of extended grief following the assassination of John F. Kennedy, and that it was simply not ready for a third president in just 14 months.

Goldwater's poor showing pulled down many supporters. Of the 57 Republican Congressmen who endorsed Goldwater before the convention, 20 were defeated for reelection, along with many promising young Republicans. In contrast, Republican Congressman John Lindsay (NY-17), who refused to endorse Goldwater was handily re-elected in a district where Democrats held a 10% overall advantage.[87] On the other hand, the defeat of so many older politicians created openings for young conservatives to move up the ladder. While the loss of moderate Republicans was temporary—they were back by 1966—Goldwater also permanently pulled many conservative Southerners and white ethnics out of the New Deal Coalition.[88]

According to Steve Kornacki of Salon, "Goldwater broke through and won five [Southern] states—the best showing in the region for a GOP candidate since Reconstruction. In Mississippi—where Franklin D. Roosevelt had won nearly 100 percent of the vote 28 years earlier—Goldwater claimed a staggering 87 percent."[89] It has frequently been argued that Goldwater's strong performance in Southern states previously regarded as Democratic strongholds foreshadowed a larger shift in electoral trends in the coming decades that would make the South a Republican bastion (an end to the "Solid South")—first in presidential politics and eventually at the congressional and state levels, as well.[90] Also, Goldwater's uncompromising promotion of freedom was the start of a continuing shift in American politics from liberalism to a conservative economic philosophy.[91]

Return to the Senate

Goldwater remained popular in Arizona, and in the 1968 Senate election he was elected to the seat of retiring Senator Carl Hayden. He was subsequently reelected in 1974 and 1980.

Throughout the late 1970s, as the conservative wing under Ronald Reagan gained control of the Republican Party, Goldwater concentrated on his Senate duties, especially in military affairs. Goldwater purportedly did not like Richard Nixon on either a political or personal level, later calling the California Republican "the most dishonest individual I have ever met in my life".[53] Accordingly, he played little part in Nixon's election or administration, but he helped force Nixon's resignation in 1974.[92] At the height of the Watergate scandal, Goldwater met with Nixon at the White House and urged him to resign. At the time, Nixon's impeachment by the House of Representatives was imminent and Goldwater warned him that fewer than 10 Republican senators would vote against conviction. After Goldwater helped convince Nixon to resign, the term "Goldwater moment" has been used to describe situations when influential members of Congress disagree so strongly with a president from their own party that they openly oppose him.[citation needed]

Despite being a difficult year for Republicans candidates, the 1974 election saw Goldwater easily reelected over his Democratic opponent, Jonathan Marshall, the publisher of The Scottsdale Progress.[94]

At the 1976 Republican National Convention, Goldwater helped block Rockefeller's renomination as vice president. When Reagan challenged Ford for the presidential nomination in 1976, Goldwater endorsed the incumbent Ford, looking for consensus rather than conservative idealism. As one historian notes, "The Arizonan had lost much of his zest for battle."[95][96][97]

In 1979, when President Carter normalized relations with Communist China, Goldwater and some other Senators sued him in the Supreme Court, arguing that the President could not terminate the Sino-American Mutual Defense Treaty with Republic of China (Taiwan) without the approval of Congress. The case, Goldwater v. Carter 444 U.S. 996, was dismissed by the court as a political question.

Final campaign and Senate term

With his fourth Senate term due to end in January 1981, Goldwater seriously considered retiring from the Senate in 1980 before deciding to run for one final term. It was a surprisingly tough battle for re-election. Goldwater was viewed by some as out of touch and vulnerable for several reasons, chiefly because he had planned to retire in 1981, he had not visited many areas of Arizona outside of Phoenix and Tucson. Additionally, his Democrat challenger, Bill Schulz, proved to be a formidable opponent. A former Republican and a wealthy real estate developer, Schultz's campaign slogan was "Energy for the Eighties." Arizona's changing population also hurt Goldwater. The state's population had soared and a huge portion of the electorate had not lived in the state when Goldwater was previously elected; meaning unlike most incumbents, many voters were less familiar with Goldwater's actual beliefs. Goldwater would go on to spend most of the campaign on the defensive. Although he went on to win the general election by a very narrow margin, receiving 49.5% of the vote to Schulz's 48.4%,[98] early returns on election night indicated that Schulz would win. The counting of votes continued through the night and into the next morning. At around daybreak, Goldwater learned that he had been reelected thanks to absentee ballots, which were among the last to be counted.

Goldwater's surprisingly close victory in 1980 came despite Reagan's 61% landslide over Jimmy Carter in Arizona. Despite Goldwater's struggles, in 1980 Republicans were able to pick up 12 senate seats, regaining control of the chamber for the first time since 1955, when Goldwater was in his first term. Goldwater was now in the most powerful position he had ever been in the Senate. In October 1983, Goldwater voted against the legislation establishing Martin Luther King Jr. Day as a federal holiday.[100]

After the new senate convened in January 1981, Goldwater became chairman of the Senate Intelligence Committee. In this role he had a notable clash with the Reagan administration in April 1984 when he discovered that the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) had been mining the waters of Nicaragua since February, something that he had first denied when the matter was raised.[101] In a note to the CIA director William Casey, Goldwater denounced what he called an "act of war", saying that "this is no way to run a railroad" as he stated crossly that only Congress had the power to declare war and accused the CIA of illegally mining Nicaraguan waters without the permission of Congress.[101] Goldwater concluded: "The President has asked us to back his foreign policy. Bill, how can we back his foreign policy when we don't know what the hell he is doing? Lebanon, yes, we all knew that he sent troops over there. But mine the harbors in Nicaragua? This is an act violating international law. It is an act of war. For the life of me, I don't see how we are going to explain it."[101] Goldwater felt compelled to issue an apology on the floor of the Senate because the Senate Intelligence Committee had failed in its duties to oversee the CIA as he stated: "I am forced to apologize for the members of my committee because I did not know the facts on this case. And I apologize to all the members of the Senate for the same reason".[102] Goldwater subsequently voted for a Congressional resolution condemning the mining.[101]

In his 1980 Senate reelection campaign, Goldwater won support from religious conservatives but in his final term voted consistently to uphold legalized abortion and in 1981 gave a speech on how he was angry about the bullying of American politicians by religious organizations, and would "fight them every step of the way".[103][104] Goldwater also disagreed with the Reagan administration on certain aspects of foreign policy (for example, he opposed the decision to mine Nicaraguan harbors). Notwithstanding his prior differences with Dwight D. Eisenhower, Goldwater in a 1986 interview rated him the best of the seven presidents with whom he had worked.[citation needed]

He introduced the 1984 Cable Franchise Policy and Communications Act, which allowed local governments to require the transmission of public, educational, and government access (PEG) channels, barred cable operators from exercising editorial control over the content of programs carried on PEG channels, and absolved them from liability for their content.

On May 12, 1986, Goldwater was presented with the Presidential Medal of Freedom by President Ronald Reagan.

President Ronald Reagan and Senator Goldwater award retired General Jimmy Doolittle, USAFR, with a fourth star, April 10, 1985

Goldwater visited the small town of Bowen, Illinois, in 1989 to see where his mother was raised.

In response to Moral Majority founder Jerry Falwell's opposition to the nomination of Sandra Day O'Connor to the Supreme Court, of which Falwell had said, "Every good Christian should be concerned", Goldwater retorted: "Every good Christian ought to kick Falwell right in the ass."[105][106] According to John Dean, Goldwater actually suggested that good Christians ought to kick Falwell in the "nuts", but the news media "changed the anatomical reference".[107][page needed] Goldwater also had harsh words for his one-time political protégé, President Reagan, particularly after the Iran–Contra Affair became public in 1986. Journalist Robert MacNeil, a friend of Goldwater's from the 1964 presidential campaign, recalled interviewing him in his office shortly afterward. "He was sitting in his office with his hands on his cane... and he said to me, 'Well, aren't you going to ask me about the Iran arms sales?' It had just been announced that the Reagan administration had sold arms to Iran. And I said, 'Well, if I asked you, what would you say?' He said, 'I'd say it's the god-damned stupidest foreign policy blunder this country's ever made!'",[108] although aside from the Iran–Contra scandal, Goldwater thought nonetheless that Reagan was a good president.[109]

Retirement

Goldwater said later that the close result in 1980 convinced him not to run again.[110] He retired in 1987, serving as chair of the Senate Intelligence and Armed Services Committees in his final term. Despite his reputation as a firebrand in the 1960s, by the end of his career, he was considered a stabilizing influence in the Senate, one of the most respected members of either major party. Although Goldwater remained staunchly anti-communist and "hawkish" on military issues, he was a key supporter of the fight for ratification of the Panama Canal Treaty in the 1970s, which would give control of the canal zone to the Republic of Panama. His most important legislative achievement may have been the Goldwater–Nichols Act, which reorganized the U.S. military's senior-command structure.

Policies

Goldwater became most associated with labor union reform and anti-communism; he was a supporter of the conservative coalition in Congress. His work on labor issues led to Congress passing major anti-corruption reforms in 1957, and an all-out campaign by the AFL-CIO to defeat his 1958 reelection bid. He voted against the censure of Senator Joseph McCarthy in 1954, but he never actually charged any individual with being a communist/Soviet agent. Goldwater emphasized his strong opposition to the worldwide spread of communism in his 1960 book The Conscience of a Conservative. The book became an important reference text in conservative political circles.

In 1964, Goldwater ran a conservative campaign that emphasized states' rights. Goldwater's 1964 campaign was a magnet for conservatives since he opposed interference by the federal government in state affairs. Goldwater voted in favor of the Civil Rights Act of 1957 and the 24th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution,[43][45] but did not vote on the Civil Rights Act of 1960.[44] Though Goldwater had supported the original Senate version of the bill, Goldwater voted against the Civil Rights Act of 1964.[46] His stance was based on his view that Article II and Article VII of the Act interfered with the rights of private persons to do or not to do business with whomever they chose and believed that the private employment provisions of the Act would lead to racial quotas. In the segregated city of Phoenix in the 1950s, he had quietly supported civil rights for blacks, but would not let his name be used.[113]

All this appealed to white Southern Democrats, and Goldwater was the first Republican to win the electoral votes of all of the Deep South states (South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi and Louisiana) since Reconstruction.[48] However, Goldwater's vote on the Civil Rights Act proved devastating to his campaign everywhere outside the South (besides Dixie, Goldwater won only in Arizona, his home state), contributing to his landslide defeat in 1964.

While Goldwater had been depicted by his opponents in the Republican primaries as a representative of a conservative philosophy that was extreme and alien, his voting records show that his positions were in harmony with those of his fellow Republicans in the Congress. According to Hans J. Morgenthau, what distinguished him from his predecessors was his firmness of principle and determination, which did not allow him to be content with mere rhetoric.[114]

Goldwater fought in 1971 to stop U.S. funding of the United Nations after the People's Republic of China was admitted to the organization. He said:

I suggested on the floor of the Senate today that we stop all funds for the United Nations. Now, what that'll do to the United Nations, I don't know. I have a hunch it would cause them to fold up, which would make me very happy at this particular point. I think if this happens, they can well move their headquarters to Peking or Moscow and get 'em out of this country.[115]

Goldwater and the revival of American conservatism

Although Goldwater was not as important in the American conservative movement as Ronald Reagan after 1965, he shaped and redefined the movement from the late 1950s to 1964. Arizona Senator John McCain, who had succeeded Goldwater in the Senate in 1987, summed up Goldwater's legacy, "He transformed the Republican Party from an Eastern elitist organization to the breeding ground for the election of Ronald Reagan."[116] Columnist George Will remarked after the 1980 presidential election that it took 16 years to count the votes from 1964 and Goldwater won.[117]

The Republican Party recovered from the 1964 election debacle, acquiring 47 seats in the House of Representatives in the 1966 mid-term election. Further Republican successes ensued, including Goldwater's return to the Senate in 1969. In January of that year, Goldwater wrote an article in the National Review "affirming that he [was] not against liberals, that liberals are needed as a counterweight to conservatism, and that he had in mind a fine liberal like Max Lerner".[118]

Goldwater was a strong supporter of environmental protection. He explained his position in 1969:

I feel very definitely that the [Nixon] administration is absolutely correct in cracking down on companies and corporations and municipalities that continue to pollute the nation's air and water. While I am a great believer in the free competitive enterprise system and all that it entails, I am an even stronger believer in the right of our people to live in a clean and pollution-free environment. To this end, it is my belief that when pollution is found, it should be halted at the source, even if this requires stringent government action against important segments of our national economy.[119]

Later life

Signing autographs at the Fiesta Bowl parade in 1983

By the 1980s, with Ronald Reagan as president and the growing involvement of the religious right in conservative politics, Goldwater's libertarian views on personal issues were revealed; he believed that they were an integral part of true conservatism. Goldwater viewed abortion as a matter of personal choice and as such supported abortion rights.

As a passionate defender of personal liberty, he saw the religious right's views as an encroachment on personal privacy and individual liberties.

After his retirement in 1987, Goldwater described the Arizona Governor Evan Mecham as "hardheaded" and called on him to resign, and two years later stated that the Republican party had been taken over by a "bunch of kooks".

In 1987 he received the Langley Gold Medal from the Smithsonian Institution. In 1988, Princeton University's American Whig-Cliosophic Society awarded Goldwater the James Madison Award for Distinguished Public Service in recognition of his career.[123]

In a 1994 interview with The Washington Post, the retired senator said,

When you say "radical right" today, I think of these moneymaking ventures by fellows like Pat Robertson and others who are trying to take the Republican party and make a religious organization out of it. If that ever happens, kiss politics goodbye.[124]

During the 1988 presidential campaign, he pointedly told vice-presidential nominee Dan Quayle at a campaign event in Arizona "I want you to go back and tell George Bush to start talking about the issues."[125]

Some of Goldwater's statements in the 1990s alienated many social conservatives. He endorsed Democrat Karan English in an Arizona congressional race, urged Republicans to lay off Bill Clinton over the Whitewater scandal, and criticized the military's ban on homosexuals:[124] He said that "Everyone knows that gays have served honorably in the military since at least the time of Julius Caesar"[126] and that "You don't need to be 'straight' to fight and die for your country. You just need to shoot straight."[127] A few years before his death, he addressed establishment Republicans by saying, "Do not associate my name with anything you do. You are extremists, and you've hurt the Republican party much more than the Democrats have."[128]

In 1996, he told Bob Dole, whose own presidential campaign received lukewarm support from conservative Republicans: "We're the new liberals of the Republican party. Can you imagine that?"[129] In that same year, with Senator Dennis DeConcini, Goldwater endorsed an Arizona initiative to legalize medical marijuana against the countervailing opinion of social conservatives.[130]

Personal life and death

In 1934, he married Margaret "Peggy" Johnson, daughter of a prominent industrialist from Muncie, Indiana. They had four children: Joanne (born January 18, 1936), Barry (born July 15, 1938), Michael (born March 15, 1940), and Peggy (born July 27, 1944). Goldwater became a widower in 1985, and in 1992 he married Susan Wechsler, a nurse 32 years his junior.

Goldwater's son Barry Goldwater Jr. served as a Republican Congressman, representing California from 1969 to 1983.

Goldwater's grandson, Ty Ross, is an interior designer and former Zoli model. Ross, who is openly gay and HIV positive, has been credited as inspiring the elder Goldwater "to become an octogenarian proponent of gay civil rights".[132][133]

Goldwater ran track and cross country in high school, where he specialized in the 880 yard run. His parents strongly encouraged him to compete in these sports, to his dismay. He often went by the nickname of "Rolling Thunder".[citation needed]

In 1940, Goldwater became one of the first people to run the Colorado River recreationally through Grand Canyon participating as an oarsman on Norman Nevills' second commercial river trip. Goldwater joined them in Green River, Utah, and rowed his own boat down to Lake Mead.[134] In 1970 the Arizona Historical Foundation published the daily journal Goldwater had maintained on the Grand Canyon journey, including his photographs, in a 209-page volume titled Delightful Journey.

In 1963, he joined the Arizona Society of the Sons of the American Revolution. He was also a lifetime member of the Veterans of Foreign Wars, the American Legion, and Sigma Chi fraternity. He belonged to both the York Rite and Scottish Rite of Freemasonry, and was awarded the 33rd degree in the Scottish Rite.

Hobbies and interests

Amateur radio

Goldwater was an avid amateur radio operator from the early 1920s onwards, with the call signs 6BPI, K3UIG and K7UGA.[135][136] The last is now used by an Arizona club honoring him as a commemorative call. During the Vietnam War he was a Military Affiliate Radio System (MARS) operator.[137]

Goldwater was a prominent spokesman for amateur radio and its enthusiasts. Beginning in 1969 and up to his death, he appeared in numerous educational and promotional films (and later videos) about the hobby that were produced for the American Radio Relay League (the United States national society representing the interests of radio amateurs) by such producers as Dave Bell (W6AQ), ARRL Southwest Director John R. Griggs (W6KW), Alan Kaul (W6RCL), Forrest Oden (N6ENV), and the late Roy Neal (K6DUE). His first appearance was in Dave Bell's The World of Amateur Radio where Goldwater discussed the history of the hobby and demonstrated a live contact with Antarctica. His last on-screen appearance dealing with "ham radio" was in 1994, explaining a then-upcoming, Earth-orbiting ham radio relay satellite.

Electronics was a hobby for Goldwater beyond amateur radio. He enjoyed assembling Heathkits,[138] completing more than 100 and often visiting their maker in Benton Harbor, Michigan, to buy more, before the company exited the kit business in 1992.[139]

Kachina dolls

Most of the kachina dolls at the Heard Museum were donated by Goldwater

In 1916, Goldwater visited the HopiReservation with Phoenix architect John Rinker Kibby, and obtained his first kachina doll. Eventually his doll collection included 437 items and was presented in 1969 to the Heard Museum

Sours: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Barry_Goldwater
  1. Beach glitter cups
  2. Jhope and jisoo
  3. Toyger kitten

1964 United States presidential election

45th quadrennial U.S. presidential election

For other elections, see 1964 United States elections.

The 1964 United States presidential election was the 45th quadrennial presidential election. It was held on Tuesday, November 3, 1964. Incumbent DemocraticUnited States PresidentLyndon B. Johnson defeated Barry Goldwater, the Republican nominee. With 61.1% of the popular vote, Johnson won the largest share of the popular vote of any candidate since the largely uncontested 1820 election.

Johnson took office on November 22, 1963, following the assassination of his predecessor, John F. Kennedy. He easily defeated a primary challenge by segregationistGovernorGeorge Wallace of Alabama to win the nomination to a full term. At the 1964 Democratic National Convention, Johnson also won the nomination of his preferred running mate, SenatorHubert Humphrey of Minnesota. Senator Barry Goldwater of Arizona, a leader of his party's conservative faction, defeated liberalGovernorNelson Rockefeller of New York and GovernorWilliam Scranton of Pennsylvania at the 1964 Republican National Convention.

Johnson championed his passage of the Civil Rights Act and advocated a series of anti-poverty programs collectively known as the Great Society. Goldwater espoused a low-tax, small-government philosophy. Although he supported previous attempts to pass civil rights legislation in 1957 and 1960 as well as the 24th Amendment outlawing the poll tax, Goldwater reluctantly opposed the Civil Rights Act of 1964, as he felt that Title II violated individual liberty and states' rights. Democrats successfully portrayed Goldwater as a dangerous extremist, most famously in the "Daisy" television advertisement. The Republicans were divided between its moderate and conservative factions, with Rockefeller and other moderate party leaders refusing to campaign for Goldwater. Johnson led by wide margins in all opinion polls conducted during the campaign, although his lead continued to dwindle throughout.

Johnson carried 44 states and the District of Columbia, which voted for the first time in this election. Goldwater won his home state and swept the states of the Deep South, most of which had not voted for a Republican presidential candidate since the end of Reconstruction in 1877. This was the last time that the Democratic Party won the white vote, although they came close in 1992. This was the first ever and only election before 1992 in which the Democrats carried Vermont, and the first election since 1912 in which the Democrats carried Maine.

This was the last election in which the Democratic nominee carried Idaho, Utah, Wyoming, North Dakota, South Dakota, Nebraska,[a]Kansas, or Oklahoma, and the only election ever in which the Democrat carried Alaska. As such, this was the most recent presidential election in which the entire Midwestern region voted Democratic. Iowa and Oregon would not vote Democratic again until 1988, California, Colorado, Illinois, Montana, Nevada, New Hampshire, New Jersey, New Mexico, and Vermont would not vote Democratic again until 1992, while Indiana and Virginia would not vote Democratic again until 2008.

Johnson's landslide victory coincided with the defeat of many conservative Republican Congressmen. The subsequent 89th Congress would pass major legislation such as the Social Security Amendments of 1965 and the Voting Rights Act. The 1964 election marked the beginning of a major, long-term realignment in American politics, as Goldwater's unsuccessful bid significantly influenced the modern conservative movement. The movement of conservatives to the Republican Party continued, culminating in the 1980 presidential victory of Ronald Reagan.

[edit]

Main article: Assassination of John F. Kennedy

President and Mrs. Kennedy, moments before his assassination

While on the first stop of his 1964 reelection campaign, President Kennedy was assassinated on November 22, 1963, in Dallas, Texas. Supporters were shocked and saddened by the loss of the charismatic President, while opposition candidates were put in the awkward position of running against the policies of a slain political figure.[2]

During the following period of mourning, Republican leaders called for a political moratorium, so as not to appear disrespectful.[3][4] As such, little politicking was done by the candidates of either major party until January 1964, when the primary season officially began.[5] At the time, most political pundits saw Kennedy's assassination as leaving the nation politically unsettled.[2]

Nominations[edit]

Democratic Party[edit]

Main article: 1964 Democratic Party presidential primaries

Candidates[edit]

The only candidate other than President Johnson to actively campaign was then Alabama GovernorGeorge Wallace who ran in a number of northern primaries, though his candidacy was more to promote the philosophy of states' rights among a northern audience; while expecting some support from delegations in the South, Wallace was certain that he was not in contention for the Democratic nomination.[6] Johnson received 1,106,999 votes in the primaries.

At the national convention the integrated Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party (MFDP) claimed the seats for delegates for Mississippi, not on the grounds of Party rules, but because the official Mississippi delegation had been elected by a white primary system. The national party's liberal leaders supported an even division of the seats between the two Mississippi delegations; Johnson was concerned that, while the regular Democrats of Mississippi would probably vote for Goldwater anyway, rejecting them would lose him the South. Eventually, Hubert Humphrey, Walter Reuther and the black civil rights leaders including Roy Wilkins, Martin Luther King Jr., and Bayard Rustin worked out a compromise: the MFDP took two seats; the regular Mississippi delegation was required to pledge to support the party ticket; and no future Democratic convention would accept a delegation chosen by a discriminatory poll. Joseph L. Rauh Jr., the MFDP's lawyer, initially refused this deal, but they eventually took their seats. Many white delegates from Mississippi and Alabama refused to sign any pledge, and left the convention; and many young civil rights workers were offended by any compromise.[7] Johnson biographers Rowland Evans and Robert Novak claim that the MFDP fell under the influence of "black radicals" and rejected their seats.[8] Johnson lost Louisiana, Alabama, Mississippi, Georgia and South Carolina.

Johnson also faced trouble from Robert F. Kennedy, President Kennedy's younger brother and the U.S. Attorney General. Kennedy and Johnson's relationship was troubled from the time Robert Kennedy was a Senate staffer. Then-Majority Leader Johnson surmised that Kennedy's hostility was the direct result of the fact that Johnson frequently recounted a story that embarrassed Kennedy's father, Joseph P. Kennedy, the ambassador to the United Kingdom. According to his recounting, Johnson and President Franklin D. Roosevelt misled the ambassador, upon a return visit to the United States, to believe that Roosevelt wished to meet in Washington for friendly purposes; in fact Roosevelt planned to—and did—fire the ambassador, due to the ambassador's well publicized views.[9] The Johnson–Kennedy hostility was rendered mutual in the 1960 primaries and the 1960 Democratic National Convention, when Robert Kennedy had tried to prevent Johnson from becoming his brother's running mate, a move that deeply embittered both men.

In early 1964, despite his personal animosity for the president, Kennedy had tried to force Johnson to accept him as his running mate. Johnson eliminated this threat by announcing that none of his cabinet members would be considered for second place on the Democratic ticket. Johnson also became concerned that Kennedy might use his scheduled speech at the 1964 Democratic Convention to create a groundswell of emotion among the delegates to make him Johnson's running mate; he prevented this by deliberately scheduling Kennedy's speech on the last day of the convention, after his running mate had already been chosen. Shortly after the 1964 Democratic Convention, Kennedy decided to leave Johnson's cabinet and run for the U.S. Senate in New York; he won the general election in November. Johnson chose United States SenatorHubert Humphrey from Minnesota, a liberal and civil rights activist, as his running mate.

Republican Party[edit]

Main article: 1964 Republican Party presidential primaries

Candidates[edit]

Primaries[edit]

Republican primaries results by state Technically in South Dakota and Florida, Goldwater finished in second to "Unpledged Delegates", but he finished before all other candidates.

The Republican Party (GOP) was badly divided in 1964 between its conservative and moderate-liberal factions. Former Vice-president Richard Nixon, who had been beaten by Kennedy in the extremely close 1960 presidential election, decided not to run. Nixon, a moderate with ties to both wings of the GOP, had been able to unite the factions in 1960; in his absence the way was clear for the two factions to engage in a hard-fought campaign for the nomination. Barry Goldwater, a Senator from Arizona, was the champion of the conservatives. The conservatives had historically been based in the American Midwest, but beginning in the 1950s they had been gaining in power in the South and West, and the core of Goldwater's support came from suburban conservative Republicans. The conservatives favored a low-tax, small federal government which supported individual rights and business interests and opposed social welfare programs. The conservatives also favored an internationalist and hawkish foreign policy and resented the dominance of the GOP's moderate wing, which was based in the Northeastern United States. Since 1940, the Eastern moderates had defeated conservative presidential candidates at the GOP's national conventions. The conservatives believed the Eastern Republicans were little different from liberal Democrats in their philosophy and approach to government. Goldwater's chief opponent for the Republican nomination was Nelson Rockefeller, the Governor of New York and the longtime leader of the GOP's liberal faction.

In 1961, a group of twenty-two conservatives headed by Ohio Congressman John M. Ashbrook, lawyer and National Review publisher William A. Rusher and scholar F. Clifton White met privately in Chicago to discuss the formation of a grassroots organization to secure the nomination of a conservative as the 1964 Republican candidate. The main headquarters for the organization were established at Suite 3505 of the Chanin Building in New York City, leading members to refer to themselves as the "Suite 3505 Committee." Following the 1962 mid-term elections, they formally backed Goldwater, who notified them that he did not want to run for the presidency. In April 1963, they formed the Draft Goldwater Committee, chaired by Texas Republican Party Chairman Peter O'Donnell. The committee solidified growing conservative strength in the West and South and began working to gain control of state parties in the Midwest from liberal Republicans. Throughout the rest of the year, speculation about a potential Goldwater candidacy grew, and grassroots activism and efforts among conservative Republicans expanded.

Initially, Rockefeller was considered the front-runner, ahead of Goldwater. However, in 1963, two years after Rockefeller's divorce from his first wife, he married Margaretta "Happy" Murphy, who was nearly 18 years younger than he and had just divorced her husband and surrendered her four children to his custody.[10] The fact that Murphy had suddenly divorced her husband before marrying Rockefeller led to rumors that Rockefeller had been having an extramarital affair with her. This angered many social conservatives and female voters within the GOP, many of whom called Rockefeller a "wife stealer".[10] After his remarriage, Rockefeller's lead among Republicans lost 20 points overnight.[10] Senator Prescott Bush of Connecticut, the father of President George H. W. Bush and grandfather of President George W. Bush, was among Rockefeller's critics on this issue: "Have we come to the point in our life as a nation where the governor of a great state—one who perhaps aspires to the nomination for president of the United States—can desert a good wife, mother of his grown children, divorce her, then persuade a young mother of four youngsters to abandon her husband and their four children and marry the governor?"[10]

In the first primary, in New Hampshire, both Rockefeller and Goldwater were considered to be the favorites, but the voters instead gave a surprising victory to the U.S. ambassador to South Vietnam, Henry Cabot Lodge Jr., Nixon's running mate in 1960 and a former Massachusettssenator. Lodge was a write-in candidate. He went on to win the Massachusetts and New Jersey primaries before withdrawing his candidacy because he had finally decided he did not want the Republican nomination.[11]

Despite his defeat in New Hampshire, Goldwater pressed on, winning the Illinois, Texas, and Indiana primaries with little opposition, and Nebraska's primary after a stiff challenge from a draft-Nixon movement. Goldwater also won a number of state caucuses and gathered even more delegates. Meanwhile, Nelson Rockefeller won the West Virginia and Oregon primaries against Goldwater, and William Scranton won in his home state of Pennsylvania. Both Rockefeller and Scranton also won several state caucuses, mostly in the Northeast.

The final showdown between Goldwater and Rockefeller was in the California primary. In spite of the previous accusations regarding his marriage, Rockefeller led Goldwater in most opinion polls in California,and he appeared headed for victory when his new wife gave birth to a son, Nelson Rockefeller Jr., three days before the primary.[10] His son's birth brought the issue of adultery front and center, and Rockefeller suddenly lost ground in the polls. Combined with Goldwater conservatives' expanded dedicated efforts and superior organizing, [10] Goldwater won the primary by a narrow 51–48% margin, thus eliminating Rockefeller as a serious contender and all but clinching the nomination. With Rockefeller's elimination, the party's moderates and liberals turned to William Scranton, the Governor of Pennsylvania, in the hopes that he could stop Goldwater. However, as the Republican Convention began Goldwater was seen as the heavy favorite to win the nomination. This was notable, as it signified a shift to a more conservative-leaning Republican Party.

Total popular vote

  • Barry Goldwater – 2,267,079 (38.33%)
  • Nelson A. Rockefeller – 1,304,204 (22.05%)
  • James A. Rhodes – 615,754 (10.41%)
  • Henry Cabot Lodge Jr. – 386,661 (6.54%)
  • John W. Byrnes – 299,612 (5.07%)
  • William W. Scranton – 245,401 (4.15%)
  • Margaret Chase Smith – 227,007 (3.84%)
  • Richard Nixon – 197,212 (3.33%)
  • Unpledged – 173,652 (2.94%)
  • Harold Stassen – 114,083 (1.93%)
  • Other – 58,933 (0.99%)
  • Lyndon Johnson (write-in) – 23,406 (0.40%)
  • George Romney – 1,955 (0.03%)

Convention[edit]

The 1964 Republican National Convention, July 13-16 at Daly City, California's Cow Palace arena, was one of the most bitter on record. The party's moderates and conservatives openly expressed their contempt for each other. Rockefeller was loudly booed when he came to the podium for his speech; in his speech he roundly criticized the party's conservatives, which led many conservatives in the galleries to yell and scream at him. A group of moderates tried to rally behind Scranton to stop Goldwater, but Goldwater's forces easily brushed his challenge aside, and Goldwater was nominated on the first ballot. The presidential tally was as follows:

The vice-presidential nomination went to little-known Republican Party Chairman William E. Miller, a Representative from upstate New York. Goldwater stated that he chose Miller simply because "he drives [President] Johnson nuts". This would be the only Republican ticket between 1952 and 1976 that did not include Nixon.

In accepting his nomination, Goldwater uttered his most famous phrase (a quote from Cicero suggested by speechwriter Harry Jaffa): "I would remind you that extremism in the defense of liberty is no vice. And let me remind you also that moderation in the pursuit of justice is no virtue."[12] For many GOP moderates, Goldwater's speech was seen as a deliberate insult, and many of these moderates would defect to the Democrats in the fall election.

General election[edit]

Campaign[edit]

Although Goldwater had been successful in rallying conservatives, he was unable to broaden his base of support for the general election. Shortly before the Republican Convention, he had alienated moderate and liberal Republicans by his vote against the Civil Rights Act of 1964,[13] which Johnson supported following Kennedy's death and signed into law. Goldwater said that he considered desegregation primarily a states' rights issue, rather than a national policy, and believed the 1964 act to be unconstitutional. Goldwater's vote against the legislation helped cause African-Americans to overwhelmingly support Johnson.[14] Goldwater had previously voted in favor of the 1957 and 1960 Civil Rights acts, but only after proposing "restrictive amendments" to them.[14] Goldwater was famous for speaking "off-the-cuff" at times, and many of his former statements were given wide publicity by the Democrats. In the early 1960s, Goldwater had called the Eisenhower administration "a dime storeNew Deal", and the former president never fully forgave him or offered him his full support in the election.

In December 1961, he told a news conference that "sometimes I think this country would be better off if we could just saw off the Eastern Seaboard and let it float out to sea", a remark which indicated his dislike of the liberal economic and social policies that were often associated with that part of the nation. That comment came back to hurt him, in the form of a Johnson television commercial,[15] as did remarks about making Social Security voluntary[16] and selling the Tennessee Valley Authority. In his most famous verbal gaffe, Goldwater once joked that the U.S. military should "lob one [a nuclear bomb] into the men's room of the Kremlin" in the Soviet Union.

Goldwater was also hurt by the reluctance of many prominent moderate Republicans to support him. Governors Nelson Rockefeller of New York and George Romney of Michigan refused to endorse Goldwater and did not campaign for him. On the other hand, former Vice President Richard Nixon and Governor William Scranton of Pennsylvania loyally supported the GOP ticket and campaigned for Goldwater, although Nixon did not entirely agree with Goldwater's political stances and said that it would "be a tragedy" if Goldwater's platform were not "challenged and repudiated" by the Republicans.[17] The New York Herald-Tribune, a voice for eastern Republicans (and a target for Goldwater activists during the primaries), supported Johnson in the general election. Some moderates even formed a "Republicans for Johnson" organization, although most prominent GOP politicians avoided being associated with it.

Shortly before the Republican convention, CBS reporter Daniel Schorr wrote from Germany that "It looks as though Senator Goldwater, if nominated, will be starting his campaign here in Bavaria, center of Germany's right wing." He noted that a prior Goldwater interview with the German magazine Der Spiegel was an "appeal to right-wing elements". However, there was no ulterior motive for the trip; it was just a vacation.[18]

Fact magazine published an article polling psychiatrists around the country as to Goldwater's sanity. Some 1,189 psychiatrists appeared to agree that Goldwater was "emotionally unstable" and unfit for office, though none of the members had actually interviewed him. The article received heavy publicity and resulted in a change to the ethics guidelines of the American Psychiatric Association. In a libel suit, a federal court awarded Goldwater $1 in compensatory damages and $75,000 in punitive damages.[19][20][21][22][23]

Eisenhower's strong backing could have been an asset to the Goldwater campaign, but instead, its absence was clearly noticed. When questioned about the presidential capabilities of the former president's younger brother, university administrator Milton S. Eisenhower, in July 1964, Goldwater replied, "One Eisenhower in a generation is enough." However, Eisenhower did not openly repudiate Goldwater and made one television commercial for Goldwater's campaign.[24] A prominent Hollywood celebrity who vigorously supported Goldwater was Ronald Reagan. Reagan gave a well-received televised speech supporting Goldwater; it was so popular that Goldwater's advisors had it played on local television stations around the nation. Many historians consider this speech—"A Time for Choosing"—to mark the beginning of Reagan's transformation from an actor to a political leader. In 1966, Reagan would be elected Governor of California in a landslide.

Meanwhile, President Johnson was concerned he could lose the election by appearing soft on Communism.[25] On July 10 the USS Maddox was ordered into the Gulf of Tonkin, authorized to "maintain contact with the U.S. military command in Saigon ... and arrange 'such communications ... as may be desired.'"[26] On July 30, South Vietnamese commandos tried to attack the North Vietnamese radar station on the island of Hon Me,[27] with the USS Maddox sufficiently close that the North Vietnamese believed it was there to provide cover for that commando raid.[28] North Vietnam filed an official complaint with the International Control Commission, accusing the United States of being behind the raid.[29] On August 2, the Maddox reported having been attacked by three North Vietnamese Navy torpedo boats.[30] Johnson called Soviet Premier Khrushchev, saying the US did not want war and asking the Soviets to convince North Vietnam to not attack American warships.[31] The next day, August 3, South Vietnamese raided Cape Vinhson and Cua Ron.[32] That night in the middle of a thunderstorm, the Maddox intercepted radio messages that gave them "the 'impression' that Communist parol boats were bracing for [another] assault." They called for air support from the USS Ticonderoga. The pilots didn't see anything, but the Maddox and the nearby USS Turner Joy started shooting in all directions. However, after the incident, all US personnel involved acknowledge they had neither seen nor heard Communist gunfire. Nevertheless, Johnson and an aide Kenneth O'Donnell agreed that Johnson "would have to respond firmly to defend himself against Goldwater and the Republican right wing." Johnson denounced the attack as "unprovoked" and secured essentially a blank check to do anything he thought necessary in Vietnam, and left Goldwater looking like an irresponsible hawk.[33]

Ads and slogans[edit]

Full "Daisy" advertisement

Johnson positioned himself as a moderate and succeeded in portraying Goldwater as an extremist. CIA Director William Colby asserted that Tracy Barnes instructed the CIA of the United States to spy on the Goldwater campaign and the Republican National Committee to provide information to Johnson's campaign (Usdin, Steve (May 22, 2018). "When the CIA Infiltrated a Presidential Campaign" (Politico).

Goldwater had a habit of making blunt statements about war, nuclear weapons, and economics that could be turned against him. Most famously, the Johnson campaign broadcast a television commercial on September 7 dubbed the "Daisy Girl" ad, which featured a little girl picking petals from a daisy in a field, counting the petals, which then segues into a launchcountdown and a nuclear explosion.[34] The ads were in response to Goldwater's advocacy of "tactical" nuclear weapons use in Vietnam.[35] "Confessions of a Republican", another Johnson ad, features a monologue from a man who tells viewers that he had previously voted for Eisenhower and Nixon, but now worries about the "men with strange ideas", "weird groups" and "the head of the Ku Klux Klan" who were supporting Goldwater; he concludes that "either they're not Republicans, or I'm not".[36] Voters increasingly viewed Goldwater as a right-wing fringe candidate. His slogan "In your heart, you know he's right" was successfully parodied by the Johnson campaign into "In your guts, you know he's nuts", or "In your heart, you know he might" (as in "he might push the nuclear button"), or even "In your heart, he's too far right".[37][38]

The Johnson campaign's greatest concern may have been voter complacency leading to low turnout in key states. To counter this, all of Johnson's broadcast ads concluded with the line: "Vote for President Johnson on November 3. The stakes are too high for you to stay home." The Democratic campaign used two other slogans, "All the way with LBJ"[This quote needs a citation] and "LBJ for the USA".[39]

The election campaign was disrupted for a week by the death of former president Herbert Hoover on October 20, 1964, because it was considered disrespectful to be campaigning during a time of mourning. Hoover died of natural causes. He had been U.S. president from 1929 to 1933. Both major candidates attended his funeral.[40]

Johnson led in all opinion polls by huge margins throughout the entire campaign.[41]

Results[edit]

The election was held on November 3, 1964. Johnson beat Goldwater in the general election, winning over 61% of the popular vote, the highest percentage since the popular vote first became widespread in 1824. In the end, Goldwater won only his native state of Arizona and five Deep South states—Louisiana, Mississippi, Georgia, Alabama and South Carolina—which had been increasingly alienated by Democratic civil rights policies.

The five Southern states that voted for Goldwater swung over dramatically to support him. For instance, in Mississippi, where Democrat Franklin D. Roosevelt had won 97% of the popular vote in 1936, Goldwater won 87% of the vote.[42] Of these states, Louisiana had been the only state where a Republican had won even once since Reconstruction. Mississippi, Alabama and South Carolina had not voted Republican in any presidential election since Reconstruction, whilst Georgia had never voted Republican even during Reconstruction (thus making Goldwater the first Republican to ever carry Georgia).

Results by congressional district.

The 1964 election was a major transition point for the South, and an important step in the process by which the Democrats' former "Solid South" became a Republican bastion. Nonetheless, Johnson still managed to eke out a bare popular majority of 51–49% (6.307 to 5.993 million) in the eleven former Confederate states. Conversely, Johnson was the first Democrat ever to carry the state of Vermont in a Presidential election, and only the second Democrat, after Woodrow Wilson in 1912 when the Republican Party was divided, to carry Maine in the twentieth century. Maine and Vermont had been the only states that FDR had failed to carry during any of his four successful presidential bids.

Of the 3,126 counties/districts/independent cities making returns, Johnson won in 2,275 (72.77%) while Goldwater carried 826 (26.42%). Unpledged Electors carried six counties in Alabama (0.19%).

The Johnson landslide defeated many conservative Republican congressmen, giving him a majority that could overcome the conservative coalition.

This is the first election to have participation of the District of Columbia under the 23rd Amendment to the US Constitution.

The Johnson campaign broke two American election records previously held by Franklin Roosevelt: the most Electoral College votes won by a major-party candidate running for the White House for the first time (with 486 to the 472 won by Roosevelt in 1932) and the largest share of the popular vote under the current Democratic/Republican competition (Roosevelt won 60.8% nationwide, Johnson 61.1%). This first-time electoral count was exceeded when Ronald Reagan won 489 votes in 1980. Johnson retains the highest percentage of the popular vote as of the 2020 presidential election.

Presidential candidate Party Home state Popular vote Electoral
vote
Running mate
Count Percentage Vice-presidential candidate Home state Electoral vote
Lyndon Baines Johnson (Incumbent)DemocraticTexas43,127,041 61.05% 486 Hubert Horatio HumphreyMinnesota486
Barry Morris GoldwaterRepublicanArizona27,175,754 38.47% 52 William Edward MillerNew York52
(Unpledged Electors)Democratic Alabama 210,732 0.30% 0 Alabama 0
Eric HassSocialist LaborNew York45,189 0.06% 0 Henning A. BlomenMassachusetts0
Clifton DeBerrySocialist WorkersIllinois32,706 0.05% 0 Ed ShawMichigan0
Earle Harold MunnProhibitionMichigan23,267 0.03% 0 Mark R. ShawMassachusetts0
John KasperStates' RightsNew York6,953 0.01% 0 J. B. StonerGeorgia0
Joseph B. LightburnConstitutionWest Virginia5,061 0.01% 0 Theodore BillingsColorado0
Other12,581 0.02% Other
Total 70,639,284 100% 538 538
Needed to win 270 270

Source (popular vote):Leip, David. "1964 Presidential Election Results". Dave Leip's Atlas of U.S. Presidential Elections. Retrieved May 8, 2013.

Source (electoral vote):"Electoral College Box Scores 1789–1996". National Archives and Records Administration. Retrieved August 7, 2005.

Popular vote
Johnson

61.05%
Goldwater

38.47%
Others

0.48%
Electoral vote
Johnson

90.33%
Goldwater

9.67%

Geography of results[edit]

1964 Electoral Map.png
  • Results by county, shaded according to winning candidate's percentage of the vote

Cartographic gallery[edit]

  • Presidential election results by county

  • Democratic presidential election results by county

  • Republican presidential election results by county

  • Unpledged Electors presidential election results by county

  • "Other" presidential election results by county

  • Cartogram of presidential election results by county

  • Cartogram of Democratic presidential election results by county

  • Cartogram of Republican presidential election results by county

  • Cartogram of Unpledged Electors presidential election results by county

  • Cartogram of "Other" presidential election results by county

Results by state[edit]

[43]

Lyndon B. Johnson
Democratic
Barry Goldwater
Republican
Unpledged Electors
Unpledged Democratic
Eric Hass
Socialist Labor
Margin State total
State electoral
votes
# % electoral
votes
# % electoral
votes
# % electoral
votes
# % electoral
votes
# % #
Alabama10 - - - 479,085 69.45 10 210,732 30.55 - - - - −268,353 −38.90 689,817 AL
Alaska3 44,329 65.91 3 22,930 34.09 - - - - - - - 21,399 31.82 67,259 AK
Arizona5 237,753 49.45 - 242,535 50.45 5 - - - 482 0.10 - −4,782 −1.00 480,770 AZ
Arkansas6 314,197 56.06 6 243,264 43.41 - - - - - - - 70,933 12.66 560,426 AR
California40 4,171,877 59.11 40 2,879,108 40.79 - - - - 489 0.01 - 1,292,769 18.32 7,057,586 CA
Colorado6 476,024 61.27 6 296,767 38.19 - - - - 302 0.04 - 179,257 23.07 776,986 CO
Connecticut8 826,269 67.81 8 390,996 32.09 - - - - - - - 435,273 35.72 1,218,578 CT
Delaware3 122,704 60.95 3 78,078 38.78 - - - - 113 0.06 - 44,626 22.17 201,320 DE
D.C.3 169,796 85.50 3 28,801 14.50 - - - - - - - 140,995 71.00 198,597 DC
Florida14 948,540 51.15 14 905,941 48.85 - - - - - - - 42,599 2.30 1,854,481 FL
Georgia12 522,557 45.87 - 616,584 54.12 12 - - - - - - −94,027 −8.25 1,139,336 GA
Hawaii4 163,249 78.76 4 44,022 21.24 - - - - - - - 119,227 57.52 207,271 HI
Idaho4 148,920 50.92 4 143,557 49.08 - - - - - - - 5,363 1.83 292,477 ID
Illinois26 2,796,833 59.47 26 1,905,946 40.53 - - - - - - - 890,887 18.94 4,702,841 IL
Indiana13 1,170,848 55.98 13 911,118 43.56 - - - - 1,374 0.07 - 259,730 12.42 2,091,606 IN
Iowa9 733,030 61.88 9 449,148 37.92 - - - - 182 0.02 - 283,882 23.97 1,184,539 IA
Kansas7 464,028 54.09 7 386,579 45.06 - - - - 1,901 0.22 - 77,449 9.03 857,901 KS
Kentucky9 669,659 64.01 9 372,977 35.65 - - - - - - - 296,682 28.36 1,046,105 KY
Louisiana10 387,068 43.19 - 509,225 56.81 10 - - - - - - −122,157 −13.63 896,293 LA
Maine4 262,264 68.84 4 118,701 31.16 - - - - - - - 143,563 37.68 380,965 ME
Maryland10 730,912 65.47 10 385,495 34.53 - - - - 1 0.00 - 345,417 30.94 1,116,457 MD
Massachusetts14 1,786,422 76.19 14 549,727 23.44 - - - - 4,755 0.20 - 1,236,695 52.74 2,344,798 MA
Michigan21 2,136,615 66.70 21 1,060,152 33.10 - - - - 1,704 0.05 - 1,076,463 33.61 3,203,102 MI
Minnesota10 991,117 63.76 10 559,624 36.00 - - - - 2,544 0.16 - 431,493 27.76 1,554,462 MN
Mississippi7 52,618 12.86 - 356,528 87.14 7 - - - - - - −303,910 −74.28 409,146 MS
Missouri12 1,164,344 64.05 12 653,535 35.95 - - - - - - - 510,809 28.10 1,817,879 MO
Montana4 164,246 58.95 4 113,032 40.57 - - - - - - - 51,214 18.38 278,628 MT
Nebraska5 307,307 52.61 5 276,847 47.39 - - - - - - - 30,460 5.22 584,154 NE
Nevada3 79,339 58.58 3 56,094 41.42 - - - - - - - 23,245 17.16 135,433 NV
New Hampshire4 184,064 63.89 4 104,029 36.11 - - - - - - - 78,036 27.78 286,094 NH
New Jersey17 1,867,671 65.61 17 963,843 33.86 - - - - 7,075 0.25 - 903,828 31.75 2,846,770 NJ
New Mexico4 194,017 59.22 4 131,838 40.24 - - - - 1,217 0.37 - 62,179 18.98 327,615 NM
New York43 4,913,156 68.56 43 2,243,559 31.31 - - - - 6,085 0.08 - 2,669,597 37.25 7,166,015 NY
North Carolina13 800,139 56.15 13 624,844 43.85 - - - - - - - 175,295 12.30 1,424,983 NC
North Dakota4 149,784 57.97 4 108,207 41.88 - - - - - - - 41,577 16.09 258,389 ND
Ohio26 2,498,331 62.94 26 1,470,865 37.06 - - - - - - - 1,027,466 25.89 3,969,196 OH
Oklahoma8 519,834 55.75 8 412,665 44.25 - - - - - - - 107,169 11.49 932,499 OK
Oregon6 501,017 63.72 6 282,779 35.96 - - - - - - - 218,238 27.75 786,305 OR
Pennsylvania29 3,130,954 64.92 29 1,673,657 34.70 - - - - 5,092 0.11 - 1,457,297 30.22 4,822,690 PA
Rhode Island4 315,463 80.87 4 74,615 19.13 - - - - 2 0.00 - 240,848 61.74 390,091 RI
South Carolina8 215,700 41.10 - 309,048 58.89 8 - - - - - - −93,348 −17.79 524,756 SC
South Dakota4 163,010 55.61 4 130,108 44.39 - - - - - - - 32,902 11.22 293,118 SD
Tennessee11 634,947 55.50 11 508,965 44.49 - - - - - - - 125,982 11.01 1,143,946 TN
Texas25 1,663,185 63.32 25 958,566 36.49 - - - - - - - 704,619 26.82 2,626,811 TX
Utah4 219,628 54.86 4 180,682 45.14 - - - - - - - 38,946 9.73 400,310 UT
Vermont3 108,127 66.30 3 54,942 33.69 - - - - - - - 53,185 32.61 163,089 VT
Virginia12 558,038 53.54 12 481,334 46.18 - - - - 2,895 0.28 - 76,704 7.36 1,042,267 VA
Washington9 779,881 61.97 9 470,366 37.37 - - - - 7,772 0.62 - 309,515 24.59 1,258,556 WA
West Virginia7 538,087 67.94 7 253,953 32.06 - - - - - - - 284,134 35.87 792,040 WV
Wisconsin12 1,050,424 62.09 12 638,495 37.74 - - - - 1,204 0.07 - 411,929 24.35 1,691,815 WI
Wyoming3 80,718 56.56 3 61,998 43.44 - - - - - - - 18,720 13.12 142,716 WY
TOTALS: 538 43,127,041 61.05 486 27,175,754 38.47 52 210,732 0.30 - 45,189 0.06 - 15,951,287 22.58 70,639,284 US

Voter demographics[edit]

The 1964 presidential vote by demographic subgroup
Demographic subgroup Johnson Goldwater
Total vote 61 38
Gender
Men 60 40
Women 62 38
Age
18–29 years old 64 36
30–49 years old 61 39
50 and older 59 41
Race
White59 41
Black94 6
Religion
Protestants 55 45
Catholics 76 24
Party
Democrats87 13
Republicans20 80
Independents56 44
Education
Less than high school 66 34
High school 62 38
College graduate or higher 52 48
Occupation
Professional and business 54 46
White-collar 57 43
Blue-collar 71 29
Region
Northeast68 32
Midwest61 39
South52 48
West60 40
Union households
Union73 27

Source:[44]

Close states[edit]

Margin of victory less than 5% (23 electoral votes):

  1. Arizona, 1.00% (4,782 votes)
  2. Idaho, 1.83% (5,363 votes)
  3. Florida, 2.30%(42,599 votes)

Margin of victory over 5%, but less than 10% (40 electoral votes):

  1. Nebraska, 5.22% (30,460 votes)
  2. Virginia, 7.36% (76,704 votes)
  3. Georgia, 8.25% (94,027 votes)
  4. Kansas, 9.03% (77,449 votes)
  5. Utah, 9.73%(38,946 votes)

Tipping point:

  1. Washington, 24.59%(309,515 votes)

Statistics[edit]

[45]

Counties with highest percent of vote (Democratic)

  1. Duval County, Texas 92.55%
  2. Knott County, Kentucky 90.61%
  3. Webb County, Texas 90.08%
  4. Jim Hogg County, Texas 89.87%
  5. Menominee County, Wisconsin 89.12%

Counties with highest percent of vote (Republican)

  1. Holmes County, Mississippi 96.59%
  2. Noxubee County, Mississippi 96.59%
  3. Amite County, Mississippi 96.38%
  4. Leake County, Mississippi 96.23%
  5. Franklin County, Mississippi 96.05%

Counties with highest percent of vote (other)

  1. Macon County, Alabama 61.54%
  2. Limestone County, Alabama 56.01%
  3. Jackson County, Alabama 53.53%
  4. Lauderdale County, Alabama 52.45%
  5. Colbert County, Alabama 51.41%

Consequences[edit]

Although Goldwater was decisively defeated, some political pundits and historians believe he laid the foundation for the conservative revolution to follow. Among them is Richard Perlstein, historian of the American conservative movement, who wrote of Goldwater's defeat, "Here was one time, at least, when history was written by the losers."[46]Ronald Reagan's speech on Goldwater's behalf, grassrootsorganization, and the conservative takeover (although temporary in the 1960s) of the Republican party would all help to bring about the "Reagan Revolution" of the 1980s.

Johnson went from his victory in the 1964 election to launch the Great Society program at home, signing the Voting Rights Act of 1965 and starting the War on Poverty. He also escalated the Vietnam War, which eroded his popularity. By 1968, Johnson's popularity had declined and the Democrats became so split over his candidacy that he withdrew as a candidate. Moreover, his support of civil rights for blacks helped split white union members and Southerners away from Franklin Roosevelt's Democratic New Deal Coalition, which would later lead to the phenomenon of the "Reagan Democrat".[47] Of the 14 presidential elections that followed up to 2020, Democrats would win only six times, although in 8 of those elections, a majority, the Democratic candidate received the highest number of popular votes.

The election also furthered the shift of the black voting electorate away from the Republican Party, a phenomenon which had begun with the New Deal. Since the 1964 election, Democratic presidential candidates have almost consistently won at least 80–90% of the black vote in each presidential election.

See also[edit]

Sours: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1964_United_States_presidential_election
Barry Goldwater on Watergate and Richard Nixon

Barry Goldwater

Those who seek absolutepower, even though they seek it to do what they regard as good, are simply demanding the right to enforce their own version of heaven on earth. And let me remind you, they are the very ones who always create the most hellishtyrannies.

Barry Morris Goldwater (1 January1909 – 29 May1998) was an American senator from the U.S. state of Arizona, and the U.S. Republican Party's nominee for President in the 1964 election.

Quotes[edit]

Equality, rightly understood, as our founding fathers understood it, leads to liberty and to the emancipation of creative differences. Wrongly understood, as it has been so tragically in our time, it leads first to conformity and then to despotism.
  • I would remind you that extremism in the defense of liberty is no vice! And let me remind you also that moderation in the pursuit of justice is no virtue!
    • Acceptance Speech as the 1964 Republican Presidential candidate. Variants and derivatives of this that are often quoted include:
      Extremism in defense of liberty is no vice. Tolerance in the face of tyranny is no virtue.
      Extremism in the defense of liberty is no vice. And moderation in the pursuit of justice is no virtue.
      Moderation in the protection of liberty is no virtue; extremism in the defense of freedom is no vice.
  • Those who seek absolute power, even though they seek it to do what they regard as good, are simply demanding the right to enforce their own version of heaven on earth. And let me remind you, they are the very ones who always create the most hellish tyrannies. Absolute power does corrupt, and those who seek it must be suspect and must be opposed. Their mistaken course stems from false notions of equality, ladies and gentlemen. Equality, rightly understood, as our founding fathers understood it, leads to liberty and to the emancipation of creative differences. Wrongly understood, as it has been so tragically in our time, it leads first to conformity and then to despotism.
    • Acceptance Speech as the Republican Presidential candidate, San Francisco (July 1964)
    • Unsourced variant: Now those who seek absolute power, even though they seek it to do what they regard as good, are simply demanding the right to enforce their own version of heaven on earth, and let me remind you they are the very ones who always create the most hellish tyranny.
  • It is a fact that Lyndon Johnson and his curious crew seem to believe that progress in this country is best served simply and directly through the ever-expanding gift power of the everlastingly growing Federal Government. One thing we all know, and I assure you I do: that's a much easier way to get votes than my way. It always has been. It's political Daddyism, and it's as old as demagogues and despotism.
    • As quoted in "The Underdog Underdog" in TIME magazine (November 6, 1964).
  • Most Americans have no real understanding of the operations of the international moneylenders... the accounts of the Federal Reserve have never been audited. It operates outside the control of Congress and... manipulates the credit of the United States
    • With No Apologies (1979).
  • My faith in the future rests squarely on the belief that man, if he doesn't first destroy himself, will find new answers in the universe, new technologies, new disciplines, which will contribute to a vastly different and better world in the twenty-first century. Recalling what has happened in my short lifetime in the fields of communication and transportation and the life sciences, I marvel at the pessimists who tell us that we have reached the end of our productive capacity, who project a future of primarily dividing up what we now have and making do with less. To my mind the single essential element on which all discoveries will be dependent is human freedom.
    • With No Apologies (1979).
  • I think every good Christian ought to kick Falwell right in the ass.
    • Said in July 1981 in response to Moral Majority founder Jerry Falwell's opposition to the nomination of Sandra Day O'Connor to the Supreme Court, of which Falwell had said, "Every good Christian should be concerned." as quoted in Ed Magnuson, "The Brethren's First Sister,"Time Magazine, (July 20, 1981).
    • According to John Dean, Goldwater actually suggested that good Christians ought to kick Falwell in the "nuts", but the news media "changed the anatomical reference."
      • Dean, John (2008). Broken Government: How Republican Rule Destroyed the Legislative, Executive, and Judicial Branches. Penguin Group. "I know because I was there when he said it." 
  • I used to receive a hundred calls a year from people who wanted me to get into the Green Room at Wright-Patterson Air Force Base, because that's where the Air Force stored all the material gathered on UFOs. I once asked Curtis LeMay if I could get in that room, and he just gave me holy hell. He said, "Not only can't you get into it but don't you ever mention it to me again." Now, with the millions of planets that we know are up there, it's hard for me to believe that ours is the only goddam one that has things that can think walking around on it. So when people tell me they've seen UFOs, I don't say they haven't. In fifteen thousand hours of flying, I've never seen one, but I've talked to pilots who have. I talked to an airline crew that swore up and down that an object came alongside of them one night, and before they could do anything it vanished. We lost a military pilot who went up to intercept strange lights and never came back. His airplane disappeared, too. I won't argue for or against.
    • As quoted in The New Yorker (April 25, 1988), p. 70.
  • You don't need to be 'straight' to fight and die for your country. You just need to shoot straight.
    • Statement of 10 June 1993, as quoted in "Goldwater Backs Gay Troops" in The New York Times (11 June 1993); also quoted in Barry Goldwater (1995), by Robert Alan Goldberg, p. 332.
  • I won't say the papers misquote me, but I sometimes wonder where Christianity would be today if some of those reporters had been Matthew. Mark. Luke, and John.
    • Reported by Robert J. Dole, Great Political Wit: Laughing (Almost) All the Way to the White House (2000), p. 93.
  • Mark my word, if and when these preachers get control of the [Republican] party, and they're sure trying to do so, it's going to be a terrible damn problem. Frankly, these people frighten me. Politics and governing demand compromise. But these Christians believe they are acting in the name of God, so they can't and won't compromise. I know, I've tried to deal with them.
    • Said in November 1994, as quoted in John Dean, Conservatives Without Conscience (2006).

The Conscience of a Conservative (1960)[edit]

I will not attempt to discover whether legislation is "needed" before I have first determined whether it is constitutionally permissible. And if I should later be attacked for neglecting my constituents' "interests," I shall reply that I was informed that their main interest is liberty and that in that cause I am doing the very best I can.
Ghostwritten with L. Brent Bozell
  • Conservatism, we are told, is out-of-date. This charge is preposterous and we ought to boldly say so. The laws of God, and of nature, have no dateline. […] These principles are derived from the nature of man, and from the truths that God has revealed about His creation. […] To suggest that the Conservative philosophy is out of date is akin to saying that the Golden Rule, or the Ten Commandments or Aristotle’s Politics are out of date.
  • I have little interest in streamlining government or in making it more efficient, for I mean to reduce its size. I do not undertake to promote welfare, for I propose to extend freedom. My aim is not to pass laws, but to repeal them. It is not to inaugurate new programs, but to cancel old ones that do violence to the Constitution, or that have failed their purpose, or that impose on the people an unwarranted financial burden. I will not attempt to discover whether legislation is "needed" before I have first determined whether it is constitutionally permissible. And if I should later be attacked for neglecting my constituents' "interests," I shall reply that I was informed that their main interest is liberty and that in that cause I am doing the very best I can.

Address on religious factions (1981)[edit]

I'm frankly sick and tired of the political preachers across this country telling me as a citizen that if I want to be a moral person, I must believe in "A," "B," "C" and "D." Just who do they think they are? And from where do they presume to claim the right to dictate their moral beliefs to me?
Remarks in the Congressional Record (September 15, 1981)
  • It's a wonderful feeling to be a conservative these days. When I ran for President 17 years ago I was told I was behind the times. Now everybody tells me I was ahead of my time. All I can say is that time certainly is an elusive companion.
    But those reactions illustrate how far the ideological pendulum has swung in recent years. The American people have expressed their desire for a new course in our public policy in this country, a conservative course.
    Being a conservative in America traditionally has meant that one holds a deep, abiding respect for the Constitution. We conservatives believe sincerely in the integrity of the Constitution. We treasure the freedoms that document protects.
    We believe, as the founding fathers did, that we "are endowed by our Creator with certain unalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness."
  • The specter of single-issue religious groups is growing over our land. … One of the great strengths of our political system always has been our tendency to keep religious issues in the background. By maintaining the separation of church and state, the United States has avoided the intolerance which has so divided the rest of the world with religious wars.
  • There is no position on which people are so immovable as their religious beliefs. There is no more powerful ally one can claim in a debate than JesusChrist, or God, or Allah, or whatever one calls this supreme being. But like any powerful weapon, the use of God's name on one's behalf should be used sparingly. The religious factions that are growing throughout our land are not using their religious clout with wisdom. They are trying to force government leaders into following their position 100 percent. If you disagree with these religious groups on a particular moral issue, they complain, they threaten you with a loss of money or votes or both.
  • In the past couple years, I have seen many news items that referred to the Moral Majority, prolife and other religious groups as "the new right," and the "new conservatism." Well, I have spent quite a number of years carrying the flag of the old conservatism. And I can say with conviction that the religious issues of these groups have little or nothing to do with conservative or liberal politics.
    The uncompromising position of these groups is a divisive element that could tear apart the very spirit of our representative system, if they gain sufficient strength.

    As it is, they are diverting us away from the vital issues that our Government needs to address. Far too much of the time of members of Congress and officials in the Executive Branch is used up dealing with special-interest groups on issues like abortion, school busing, ERA, prayer in the schools and pornography. While these are important moral issues, they are secondary right now to our national security and economic survival.
  • I must make it clear that I don't condemn these groups for what they believe. I happen to share many of the values emphasized by these organizations.
    I'm frankly sick and tired of the political preachers across this country telling me as a citizen that if I want to be a moral person, I must believe in "A," "B," "C" and "D." Just who do they think they are? And from where do they presume to claim the right to dictate their moral beliefs to me?
    And I am even more angry as a legislator who must endure the threats of every religious group who thinks it has some God-granted right to control my vote on every roll call in the Senate. I am warning them today: I will fight them every step of the way if they try to dictate their moral convictions to all Americans in the name of "conservatism." … This unrelenting obsession with a particular goal destroys the perspective of many decent people. They have become easy prey to manipulation and misjudgment.
  • The religious factions will go on imposing their will on others unless the decent people connected to them recognize that religion has no place in public policy.
    They must learn to make their views known without trying to make their views the only alternatives. The great decisions of Government cannot be dictated by the concerns of religious factions. This was true in the days of Madison, and it is just as true today.
    We have succeeded for 205 years in keeping the affairs of state separate from the uncompromising idealism of religious groups and we mustn't stop now.
    To retreat from that separation would violate the principles of conservatism and the values upon which the framers built this democratic republic.

Goldwater (1988)[edit]

Johnson was a dirty fighter. Any campaign with him in it would involve a lot of innuendo and lies. Johnson was a wheeler-dealer. Neither he nor anyone else could change that.
Autobiography, co-written with Jack Casserly
  • Johnson was a dirty fighter. Any campaign with him in it would involve a lot of innuendo and lies. Johnson was a wheeler-dealer. Neither he nor anyone else could change that. That's what he was. And Johnson was a treacherous boot. He'd slap you on the back today and stab you in the back tomorrow. Moreover, LBJ was dull. He was a lousy public speaker. The man didn't believe half of what he said. He was a hypocrite, and it came through in the hollowness of his speech. LBJ made me sick.
  • Vietnam is about halfway around the world from Washington. It's as large as the major European nations, with nearly 130,000 square miles... Its ancient recorded history goes back to 111 B.C... We entered (that country) with considerable ignorance.
  • I told Johnson and old colleagues on Capitol Hill that we had two clear choices. Either win the [Vietnam] war in a relatively short time, say within a year, or pull out all our troops and come home.
  • On peanut butter as shaving cream "…if you don't mind smelling like a peanut for two or three days it's a darn good shaving cream…"
    • The San Francisco Examiner, California Issue, May 7, 1972, page 44

Washington Post interview (1994)[edit]

"Barry Goldwater's Left Turn" by Lloyd Grove in The Washington Post (July 28, 1994)
  • When you say "radical right" today, I think of these moneymaking ventures by fellows like Pat Robertson and others who are trying to take the Republican Party away from the Republican Party, and make a religious organization out of it. If that ever happens, kiss politics goodbye.
  • I said one day that Dole had a temper, and he got madder than hell. He has one. He has a mean one.
  • The best thing Clinton could do — I think I wrote him a letter about this, but I'm not sure — is to shut up.... He has no discipline.
  • The big thing is to make this country, along with every other country in the world with a few exceptions, quit discriminating against people just because they're gay. You don't have to agree with it, but they have a constitutional right to be gay. And that's what brings me into it.
  • Having spent 37 years of my life in the military as a reservist, and never having met a gay in all of that time, and never having even talked about it in all those years, I just thought, why the hell shouldn't they serve? They're American citizens. As long as they're not doing things that are harmful to anyone else... So I came out for it.

Misattributed[edit]

  • A government big enough to give you everything you want is a government big enough to take from you everything you have.
    • Gerald Ford in a Presidential address to a joint session of Congress (12 August 1974)
    • Ford has also been quoted as having made a similar statement many years earlier, as a representative to the US Congress: "If the government is big enough to give you everything you want, it is big enough to take away everything you have."
      • "If Elected, I Promise…" : Stories and Gems of Wisdom by and About Politicians (1960) p. 193
    • Unsourced variants attributed to Goldwater include:
      A government that is big enough to give you all you want is big enough to take it all away.
      Remember that a government big enough to give you everything you want is also big enough to take away everything you have.
    • However, Karl Hess, a speechwriter for Goldwater, quoted Goldwater as having "repeatedly" said during the 1964 campaign that "the government strong enough to give you what you want is strong enough to take it all away." See The Death of Politics, a Playboy article from 1969.
    • Similar assertions have often been attributed to Ronald Reagan. Some of the inspiration for such expressions may lie in "The Criminality of the State" by Albert Jay Nock in American Mercury (March 1939) where he stated: "You get the same order of criminality from any State to which you give power to exercise it; and whatever power you give the State to do things for you carries with it the equivalent power to do things to you."
    • This quote has also been attributed to Davy Crockett. [citation needed]
  • Where fraternities are not allowed, communism flourishes.
    • Reported in Paul F. Boller, Jr., and John George, They Never Said It: A Book of Fake Quotes, Misquotes, & Misleading Attributions (1989), p. 36-37, as having appeared in the Baltimore Catholic Review.

Quotes about Goldwater[edit]

In your heart you know he's right.
Unlike nearly every other politician who ever lived, anywhere in the world, Barry Goldwater always said exactly what was on his mind. He spared his listeners nothing. ~ Lloyd Grove
  • In your heart you know he's right.
    • 1964 Presidential Campaign slogan, countered by Democrats with: "In your guts, you know he's nuts."
    • or with: "In your heart you know he's right, yes, extreme right."
    • or with: "In your heart you know he might." - a reference to the possibility of Goldwater using nuclear weapons
  • Our Democratic opponents seem unwilling to debate these issues. They want to make you and I believe that this is a contest between two men—that we’re to choose just between two personalities. Well what of this man that they would destroy—and in destroying, they would destroy that which he represents, the ideas that you and I hold so dear? Is he the brash and shallow and trigger-happy man they say he is? Well I’ve been privileged to know him ‘when.’ I knew him long before he ever dreamed of trying for high office, and I can tell you personally I’ve never known a man in my life I believed so incapable of doing a dishonest or dishonorable thing. This is a man who, in his own business before he entered politics, instituted a profit-sharing plan before unions had ever thought of it. He put in health and medical insurance for all his employees. He took 50 percent of the profits before taxes and set up a retirement program, a pension plan for all his employees. He sent monthly checks for life to an employee who was ill and couldn’t work. He provides nursing care for the children of mothers who work in the stores. When Mexico was ravaged by the floods in the Rio Grande, he climbed in his airplane and flew medicine and supplies down there. An ex-GI told me how he met him. It was the week before Christmas during the Korean War, and he was at the Los Angeles airport trying to get a ride home to Arizona for Christmas. And he said that a lot of servicemen there and no seats available on the planes. And then a voice came over the loudspeaker and said, ‘Any men in uniform wanting a ride to Arizona, go to runway such-and-such,’ and they went down there, and there was a fellow named Barry Goldwater sitting in his plane. Every day in those weeks before Christmas, all day long, he’d load up the plane, fly it to Arizona, fly them to their homes, fly back over to get another load. During the hectic split-seocnd timing of a campaign, this is a man who took time out to sit beside an old friend who was dying of cancer. His campaign managers were understandably impatient, but he said ‘There aren’t many left who care what happens to her. I’d like her to know I care.’ This is a man who said to his 19-year-old son, ‘There is no foundation like the rock of honesty and fairness, and when you begin to build your life on that rock, with the cement of the faith in God that you have, then you have a real start.’ This is not a man who could carelessly send other people’s sons to war. And that is not the issue of this campaign that makes all the other problems I’ve discussed academic, unless we realize we’re in a war that must be won.
  • Unlike nearly every other politician who ever lived, anywhere in the world, Barry Goldwater always said exactly what was on his mind. He spared his listeners nothing.
    • Lloyd Grove in The Washington Post (30 May 1998)
  • Low education and low intelligence, Goldwater once declared to the delight of his equally well-upholstered followers, are the real causes of poverty. One wonders what he, who did not last out more than one year of college, would have done if a family fortune and a family business did not await him back home.
  • The Goldwaterite picture of themselves, as of their hero, is as distant from reality as the rest of the private universe they are defending. The frontier virtues they claim to embody are as synthetic as the frontier they inhabit. Their desert is air-conditioned and landscaped; their covered wagons are Cadillacs; their chaps are from Abercrombie & Fitch; their money, like their candidate’s, is mostly inherited from grandpappy, or acquired with their wives. In their favorite campaign photos, on that horse and under that ten-gallon Stetson, looking into the setting sun, is no cowboy or even rancher but a Phoenix storekeeper. The Western trade he caters to, in business as in politics, is dude ranch.
  • I'm liberal up to a degree, I think everybody should be free, but if you think I'll let Barry Goldwater move in next door and marry my daughter, you must think I'm crazy. I wouldn't let him do it for all the farms in Cuba.
  • Think of a senator winning the Democratic nomination in the year 2000 whose positions included halving the military budget, socializing the medical system, re-regulating the communications and electrical industries, establishing a guaranteed minimum income for all Americans, and equalizing funding for all schools regardless of property valuations — and who promised to fire Alan Greenspan, counseled withdrawal from the World Trade Organization, and, for good measure, spoke warmly of adolescent sexual experimentation. He would lose in a landslide. He would be relegated to the ash heap of history. But if the precedent of 1964 were repeated, two years later the country would begin electing dozens of men and women just like him. And not many decades later, Republicans would have to proclaim softer versions of those positions to get taken seriously for their party’s nomination.
    • Rick Perlstein in Before the Storm: Barry Goldwater and the Unmaking of the American Consensus (2001)
  • Goldwater started this whole notion of a right wing in America and he did it with an honesty that the politicians who succeeded him cannot tolerate. When they won all these elections, including knocking my friend Cuomo out in New York, not one of them mentioned Goldwater's name.
    • Jimmy Breslin in I Want to Thank My Brain for Remembering Me (1996)
  • It was both unfortunate and disastrous that the Republican Party nominated Barry Goldwater as its candidate for President of the United States. In foreign policy Mr. Goldwater advocated a narrow nationalism, a crippling isolationism, and a trigger-happy attitude that could plunge the whole world into the dark abyss of annihilation. On social and economic issues, Mr. Goldwater represented an unrealistic conservatism that was totally out of touch with the realities of the twentieth century. The issue of poverty compelled the attention of all citizens of our country. Senator Goldwater had neither the concern nor the comprehension necessary to grapple with this problem of poverty in the fashion that the historical moment dictated. On the urgent issue of civil rights, Senator Goldwater represented a philosophy that was morally indefensible and socially suicidal. While not himself a racist, Mr. Goldwater articulated a philosophy which gave aid and comfort to the racist. His candidacy and philosophy would serve as an umbrella under which extremists of all stripes would stand. In the light of these facts and because of my love for America, I had no alternative but to urge every Negro and white person of goodwill to vote against Mr. Goldwater and to withdraw support from any Republican candidate that did not publicly disassociate himself from Senator Goldwater and his philosophy.

External links[edit]

Sours: https://en.wikiquote.org/wiki/Barry_Goldwater

Wikipedia barry goldwater

Barry Goldwater
United States Senator
from Arizona

In office
January 3, 1969 – January 3, 1987
Preceded byCarl Hayden
Succeeded byJohn McCain

In office
January 3, 1953 – January 3, 1965
Preceded byErnest McFarland
Succeeded byPaul Fannin
Chairman of the
Senate Committee on Armed Services

In office
January 3, 1985 – January 3, 1987
Preceded byJohn Tower
Succeeded bySam Nunn
Chairman of the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence

In office
January 3, 1981 – January 3, 1985
Preceded byBirch Bayh
Succeeded byDavid Durenberger
Personal details
Born Barry Morris Goldwater
(1909-01-02)January 2, 1909
Phoenix, Arizona Territory, United States
Died May 29, 1998(1998-05-29) (aged 89)
Paradise Valley, Arizona, United States
Resting place Christ Church of the Ascension, Paradise Valley, Arizona
Political party Republican
Spouse(s) Margaret Johnson (1934–85)
Susan Shaffer Wechsler (1992–98)
Children Joanne
Barry Goldwater, Jr.
Michael
Margaret (Peggy)
Alma mater University of Arizona
Profession Businessman, politician
Religion Episcopalian
Signature
Military service
Service/branch United States Army Air Forces
Arizona Air National Guard
United States Air Force Reserve
Years of service 1941–45 (USAAF)
1945–52 (ANG)
1952–67 (USAFR)
Rank Lieutenant Colonel (USAAF)
Colonel (ANG)
(Major General (USAFR)
Battles/wars World War II
Korean War

Barry Morris Goldwater (January 2, 1909[1] – May 29, 1998) was a businessman and five-term United States Senator from Arizona (1953–65, 1969–87) and the Republican Party's nominee for president in the 1964 election. An articulate and charismatic figure during the first half of the 1960s, he was known as "Mr. Conservative".

Goldwater is the politician most often credited for sparking the resurgence of the American conservative political movement in the 1960s. He also had a substantial impact on the libertarian movement.[2]

Goldwater rejected the legacy of the New Deal and fought through the conservative coalition against the New Deal coalition. He mobilized a large conservative constituency to win the hard-fought Republican primaries. Goldwater's right-wing campaign platform ultimately failed to gain the support of the electorate and he lost the 1964 presidential election to incumbent Democrat Lyndon B. Johnson by one of the largest landslides in history, bringing down many Republican candidates as well. The Johnson campaign and other critics painted him as a reactionary, while supporters praised his crusades against the Soviet Union, labor unions, and the welfare state. His defeat allowed Johnson and the Democrats in Congress to pass the Great Society programs, but the defeat of so many older Republicans in 1964 also cleared the way for a younger generation of American conservatives to mobilize. Goldwater was much less active as a national leader of conservatives after 1964; his supporters mostly rallied behind Ronald Reagan, who became governor of California in 1967 and the 40th President of the United States in 1981.

Goldwater returned to the Senate in 1969, and specialized in defense policy, bringing to the table his experience as a senior officer in the Air Force Reserve. In 1974, as an elder statesman of the party, Goldwater successfully urged President Richard Nixon to resign when evidence of a cover-up in the Watergate scandal became overwhelming and impeachment was imminent. By the 1980s, the increasing influence of the Christian right on the Republican Party so conflicted with Goldwater's views that he became a vocal opponent of the religious right on issues such as abortion, gay rights, and the role of religion in public life. A significant accomplishment in his career was the passage of the Goldwater-Nichols Act of 1986, which restructured the higher levels of the Pentagon by increasing the power of the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff to direct military action.

Personal life[]

Goldwater was born in Phoenix, in what was then the Arizona Territory, the son of Baron M. Goldwater and his wife, Hattie Josephine ("JoJo") Williams. His father's Jewish family had founded Goldwater's, the largest department store in Phoenix. The family name had been changed from Goldwasser to Goldwater at least as early as the 1860 census in Los Angeles, California. Goldwater's paternal grandparents, Michel and Sarah (Nathan) Goldwasser, had been married in the Great Synagogue of London.[4][5] Goldwater's mother, who was Protestant, came from an old Yankee family that included the famous theologian, Roger Williams of Rhode Island. Goldwater's parents were married in an Episcopal church in Phoenix; for his entire life, Goldwater was an Episcopalian, though on rare occasions he referred to himself as "Jewish".[7] While he did not often attend church, he stated that "If a man acts in a religious way, an ethical way, then he's really a religious man—and it doesn't have a lot to do with how often he gets inside a church".[8][10]

The family department store made the Goldwaters comfortably wealthy. Goldwater graduated from Staunton Military Academy, an elite private school in Virginia, and attended the University of Arizona for one year, where he joined the Sigma Chi fraternity. Barry had never been close to his father, but he took over the family business after Baron's death in 1930. He became a Republican (in a heavily Democratic state), promoted innovative business practices, and opposed the New Deal, especially because it fostered labor unions. Goldwater came to know former president Herbert Hoover, whose conservative politics he admired greatly. In 1934, he married Margaret "Peggy" Johnson, wealthy daughter of a prominent industrialist from Muncie, Indiana. They had four children: Joanne (born January 1, 1936), Barry (born July 15, 1938), Michael (born March 15, 1940), and Peggy (born July 27, 1944). Barry became a widower in 1985, and in 1992 he married Susan Wechsler, a nurse 32 years his junior.

With the American entry into World War II, Goldwater received a reserve commission in the United States Army Air Forces. He became a pilot assigned to the Ferry Command, a newly formed unit that flew aircraft and supplies to war zones worldwide. He spent most of the war flying between the US and India, via the Azores and North Africa or South America, Nigeria, and Central Africa. He also flew "the hump" over the Himalayas to deliver supplies to the Republic of China. Remaining in the Air Force Reserve after the war, he eventually retired as a command pilot with the rank of Major General.[12] By that time, he had flown 165 different types of aircraft. Following World War II, Goldwater was a leading proponent of creating the United States Air Force Academy, and later served on the Academy's Board of Visitors. The Visitor Center at the USAF Academy is now named in his honor. As a Colonel he also founded the Arizona Air National Guard, and he would desegregate it two years before the rest of the US military. Goldwater was instrumental in pushing the Pentagon to support desegregation of the armed services.[13] Goldwater retired as an Air Force Major General, and he continued piloting B-52 aircraft until late in his military career. To those who called him "rash", he would remind people of the old saying that "there are no old, bold pilots".

In 1940, Goldwater became one of the first people to run the Colorado River recreationally through Grand Canyon when he participated as an oarsman on Norman Nevills' second commercial river trip. Goldwater joined the trip in Green River, Utah and rowed his own boat down to Lake Mead.[14] Goldwater ran track and cross country in high school, where he specialized in the 880 yard run. His parents strongly encouraged him to compete in these sports, to Goldwater's dismay. He often went by the nickname of "Rolling Thunder."

In 1970, the Arizona Historical Foundation published the daily journal that Goldwater maintained on the Grand Canyon trip, along with the photographs he took, in a 209-page volume titled Goldwater, Barry. "Delightful Journey". .

Goldwater's son Barry Goldwater, Jr. served as a United States House of Representatives member from California from 1969 to 1983.

Political career[]

Goldwater entered Phoenix politics in 1949 when he was elected to the City Council as part of a nonpartisan group of candidates who focused on "cleaning up" widespread prostitution and gambling.[15] As a Republican he won a seat in the US Senate in 1952, when he upset veteran Democrat and Senate majority leader Ernest McFarland. He defeated McFarland again in 1958, with a strong showing in his first reelection in a year in which the Democrats picked up 13 seats in the Senate. He stepped down from the Senate in 1964 for his presidential campaign.

Policies[]

Goldwater soon became most associated with labor-union reform and anti-communism; he was an active supporter of the conservative coalition in Congress. However, he rejected the wildest fringes of the anti-communist movement; in 1956, he sponsored the passage through the Senate of the final version of the Alaska Mental Health Enabling Act, despite vociferous opposition from opponents who claimed that the Act was a communist plot to establish concentration camps in Alaska. His work on labor issues led to Congress passing major anti-corruption reforms in 1957, and an all-out campaign by the AFL-CIO to defeat his 1958 reelection bid. He voted against the censure of Senator Joseph McCarthy in 1954, but he never actually charged any individual with being a communist/Soviet agent. Goldwater emphasized his strong opposition to the worldwide spread of communism in his 1960 book The Conscience of a Conservative. The book became an important reference text in conservative political circles.

In 1964, Goldwater ran a conservative campaign that emphasized states' rights. Goldwater's 1964 campaign was a magnet for conservatives since he opposed interference by the federal government in state affairs. Although he had supported all previous federal civil rights legislation and had supported the original senate version of the bill, Goldwater made the decision to oppose the Civil Rights Act of 1964. His stance was based on his view that the act was an intrusion of the federal government into the affairs of states and that the Act interfered with the rights of private persons to do or not do business with whomever they chose.

All this appealed to white Southern Democrats, and Goldwater was the first Republican to win the electoral votes of all of the Deep South states (South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi and Louisiana) since Reconstruction[18] (although Dwight Eisenhower did carry Louisiana in 1956). However, Goldwater's vote on the Civil Rights Act proved devastating to his campaign everywhere outside the South (besides Dixie, Goldwater won only in Arizona, his home state), contributing to his landslide defeat in 1964.

While Goldwater had been depicted by his opponents in the Republican primaries as a representative of a conservative philosophy that was extreme and alien, his voting records show that his positions were in harmony with those of his fellow Republicans in the Congress. What distinguished him from his predecessors was, according to Hans J. Morgenthau, his firmness of principle and determination, which did not allow him to be content with mere rhetoric.[19]

Goldwater fought in 1971 to stop US funding of the United Nations after the People's Republic of China was admitted to the organization. He said:

I suggested on the floor of the Senate today that we stop all funds for the United Nations. Now, what that'll do to the United Nations, I don't know. I have a hunch it would cause them to fold up, which would make me very happy at this particular point. I think if this happens, they can well move their headquarters to Peking or Moscow and get 'em out of this country."[20]

Elections[]

In 1964, he fought and won a bitterly contested, multi-candidate race for the Republican Party's presidential nomination. His main rival was New York Governor Nelson Rockefeller, whom he defeated by a narrow margin in the bitterly fought California primary. His nomination was opposed by liberal Republicans, who thought Goldwater's demand for rollback, defeat of the Soviet Union, would foment a nuclear war. Goldwater lost to President Lyndon Johnson by a massive landslide, pulling down the GOP, which lost many seats in both houses of Congress. Goldwater carried only his home state and five Deep South states.

Goldwater remained popular in Arizona, and in the 1968 Senate election he was elected (this time) to the seat of retiring Senator Carl Hayden. He was subsequently reelected in 1974 and 1980. The 1974 election saw Goldwater easily reelected. His final campaign in 1980 was close, with Goldwater winning in a near draw against Democratic challenger Bill Schulz. Goldwater said later that the close result convinced him not to run again.[21]

Two self-published books advanced the Goldwater cause: Schlafly, Phyllis. "A Choice, Not An Echo".  and Haley, J Evetts. "A Texan Looks at Lyndon: A Study in Illegitimate Power".  by a Texas historian. Both were best-sellers but failed to bolster Goldwater's electoral prospects.

Retirement[]

Goldwater seriously considered retirement in 1980 before deciding to run for reelection. Peggy Goldwater reportedly hoped that her husband's Senate term, due to end in January 1981, would be his last. Goldwater decided to run, planning to make the term his last in the Senate. Goldwater faced a surprisingly tough battle for reelection. He was viewed by some as out of touch and vulnerable for several reasons; most importantly, because he had planned to retire in 1981, Goldwater had not visited many areas of Arizona outside of Phoenix and Tucson. He was also challenged by a formidable opponent, Bill Schulz, a former Republican turned Democrat and a wealthy real estate developer. Schulz was able to infuse massive amounts of money into the campaign from his own fortune.

Arizona's changing population also hurt Goldwater. The state's population had soared, and a huge portion of the electorate had not lived in the state when Goldwater was previously elected; hence, many voters were less familiar with Goldwater's actual beliefs, and he was on the defensive for much of the campaign. Early returns on election night seemed to indicate that Schulz would win. The counting of votes continued through the night and into the next morning. At around daybreak, Goldwater learned that he had been reelected thanks to absentee ballots, which were among the last to be counted. Goldwater's surprisingly close victory in 1980 came despite Reagan's 61% landslide over Jimmy Carter in Arizona. Republicans regained control of the Senate, putting Goldwater in the most powerful position he ever had in the Senate.

Goldwater retired in 1987, serving as chair of the Senate Intelligence and Armed Services Committees in his final term. Despite his reputation as a firebrand in the 1960s, by the end of his career he was considered a stabilizing influence in the Senate, one of the most respected members of either major party. Though Goldwater remained staunchly anti-communist and "hawkish" on military issues, he was a key supporter of the fight for ratification of the Panama Canal Treaty in the 1970s, which would return control of the canal zone to the Republic of Panama. His most important legislative achievement may have been the Goldwater-Nichols Act, which reorganized the US military's senior-command structure.

Goldwater was an active amateur radio "ham" operator, with call letters K7UGA. Many hams were delighted to make contact with him in his retirement years.

Political relationships[]

Goldwater was grief-stricken by the assassination of Kennedy and was greatly disappointed that his opponent in the 1964 race would not be Kennedy but instead Kennedy's vice president, the former Senate Majority Leader Lyndon B. Johnson of Texas.[24] Goldwater disliked Johnson (who he said "used every dirty trick in the bag"), and Richard M. Nixon of California (whom he later called "the most dishonest individual I have ever met in my life").[24] Goldwater, by then again a senator, advocated for Nixon to resign at the height of Watergate, warning that fewer than ten senators would vote against conviction after Nixon was impeached by the House of Representatives. The term "Goldwater moment" has subsequently been used to describe situations when influential members of Congress disagree so strongly with a president from their own party that they rise up and take a stand in opposition.

His 1984 Cable Franchise Policy and Communications Act allowed local governments to require the transmission of public, educational, and government access (PEG) channels, barred cable operators from exercising editorial control over content of programs carried on PEG channels, and absolved them from liability for their content.

[]

At the time of Goldwater's presidential candidacy, the Republican Party was split between its conservative wing (based in the West and South) and moderate/liberal wing (based in the Northeast). He alarmed even some of his fellow partisans with his brand of staunch fiscal conservatism and militant anti-communism. He was viewed by many traditional Republicans as being too far on the right wing of the political spectrum to appeal to the mainstream majority necessary to win a national election. As a result, moderate Republicans recruited a series of opponents, including New York Governor Nelson Rockefeller, Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr., of Massachusetts and Pennsylvania Governor William Scranton, to challenge Goldwater. Goldwater would defeat Rockefeller in the winner-take-all California primary and secure the nomination. He also had a solid backing from Southern Republicans. A bright young Birmingham lawyer, John Grenier, secured commitments from 271 of 279 southern convention delegates to back Goldwater. Grenier went on to serve as executive director of the national GOP during the Goldwater campaign. This was the Number 2 position to party chairman Dean Burch, Goldwater's fellow Arizonan.

Goldwater famously declared in his bold acceptance speech at the 1964 Republican Convention, "I would remind you that extremism in the defense of liberty is no vice. And let me remind you also that moderation in the pursuit of justice is no virtue." This paraphrase of Cicero was included at the suggestion of Harry V. Jaffa, though the speech was primarily written by Karl Hess. Because of President Johnson's popularity, however, Goldwater held back from attacking the president directly; he did not even mention Johnson by name in his convention speech.

Past comments came back to haunt Goldwater throughout his campaign. Once he called the Eisenhower administration "a dime-store New Deal", and the former president never fully forgave him. Eisenhower did, however, film a television commercial with Goldwater.[26] Eisenhower qualified his voting for Goldwater in November by remarking that he had voted not specifically for Goldwater, but for the Republican Party.[citation needed] In December 1961, Goldwater told a news conference that "sometimes I think this country would be better off if we could just saw off the Eastern Seaboard and let it float out to sea". That comment boomeranged on him during the campaign in the form of a Johnson television commercial,[27] as did remarks about making Social Security voluntary,[28] and statements in Tennessee about selling the Tennessee Valley Authority, a large local New Deal employer.[citation needed]

The Goldwater campaign spotlighted Ronald Reagan, who appeared in a campaign ad.[29] In turn, Reagan gave a stirring, nationally televised speech, "A Time for Choosing", in support of Goldwater.[30] The speech prompted Reagan to seek the California Governorship in 1966 and jump-started his political career. Conservative activist Phyllis Schlafly, later well known for her fight against the Equal Rights Amendment, first became known for writing a pro-Goldwater book, A Choice, Not an Echo, attacking the moderate Republican establishment.

Former U.S. Senator Prescott Bush, a moderate Republican from Connecticut, was a friend of Goldwater and supported him in the general election campaign. Bush's son, George H. W. Bush (then running for the Senate from Texas against Democrat Ralph Yarborough), was also a strong Goldwater supporter in both the nomination and general election campaigns.

Future Chief Justice of the United States and fellow Arizonan William H. Rehnquist also first came to the attention of national Republicans through his work as a legal adviser to Goldwater's presidential campaign. Rehnquist had begun his law practice in 1953 in the firm of Denison Kitchel of Phoenix, Goldwater's national campaign manager and friend of nearly three decades.[31]

Goldwater was painted as a dangerous figure by the Johnson campaign, which countered Goldwater's slogan "In your heart, you know he's right" with the lines "In your guts, you know he's nuts", and "In your heart, you know he might" (that is, he might actually use nuclear weapons as opposed to using only deterrence). Johnson himself did not mention Goldwater in his own acceptance speech at the 1964 Democratic National Convention.

Goldwater's provocative advocacy of aggressive tactics to prevent the spread of communism in Asia led to effective counterattacks from Lyndon B. Johnson and his supporters, who claimed that Goldwater's militancy would have dire consequences, possibly even nuclear war. In a May 1964 speech, Goldwater suggested that nuclear weapons should be treated more like conventional weapons and used in Vietnam, specifically that they should have been used at Dien Bien Phu in 1954 to defoliate trees.[32] Regarding Vietnam, Goldwater charged that Johnson's policy was devoid of "goal, course, or purpose", leaving "only sudden death in the jungles and the slow strangulation of freedom".[33] Goldwater's rhetoric on nuclear war was viewed by many as quite uncompromising, a view buttressed by off-hand comments such as, "Let's lob one into the men's room at the Kremlin."[34] He also advocated that field commanders in Vietnam and Europe should be given the authority to use tactical nuclear weapons (which he called "small conventional nuclear weapons") without presidential confirmation.[35]

Goldwater did his best to counter the Johnson attacks, criticizing the Johnson administration for its perceived ethical lapses, and stating in a commercial that "we, as a nation, are not far from the kind of moral decay that has brought on the fall of other nations and people.... I say it is time to put conscience back in government. And by good example, put it back in all walks of American life." Goldwater campaign commercials included statements of support by actor Raymond Massey[36] and moderate Republican senator Margaret Chase Smith.[37]

Before the 1964 election, the muckraking Fact magazine, published by Ralph Ginzburg, ran a special issue titled "The Unconscious of a Conservative: A Special Issue on the Mind of Barry Goldwater". The two main articles contended that Goldwater was mentally unfit to be president. The magazine attempted to support this claim with the results of an unscientific poll of psychiatrists it had conducted. Fact had mailed questionnaires to 12,356 psychiatrists, and published a "sampling" of the comments made by the 2,417 psychiatrists who responded, of which 1,189 said Goldwater was unfit to be president.[38][39]

After the election, Goldwater sued the publisher, the editor and the magazine for libel in Goldwater v. Ginzburg. "Although the jury awarded Goldwater only $1.00 in compensatory damages against all three defendants, it went on to award him punitive damages of $25,000 against Ginzburg and $50,000 against Fact magazine, Inc."[40] According to Warren Boroson, then-managing editor of Fact and now a financial columnist, the main biography of Goldwater in the magazine was written by David Bar-Illan, the Israeli pianist.[41]

Daisy[]

A Democratic campaign advertisement known as Daisy showed a young girl counting daisy petals, from one to ten. Immediately following this scene, a voiceover counted down from ten to one. The child's face was shown as a still photograph followed by images of nuclear explosions and mushroom clouds. The campaign advertisement ended with a plea to vote for Johnson, implying that Goldwater (who was not mentioned by name) would provoke a nuclear war if he was elected. The advertisement, which featured only a few spoken words of narrative and relied on imagery for its emotional impact, was one of the most provocative in American political campaign history, and many analysts credit it as being the birth of the modern style of "negative political ads" on television. The ad aired only once and was immediately pulled, but was then shown many times by television stations.[42]

Results[]

Goldwater only won his home state of Arizona and five states in the Deep South, depicted in red. The Southern states, traditionally Democratic up to that time, voted Republican primarily as a statement of opposition to the Civil Rights Act, which had been passed by Johnson and the Northern Democrats, as well as the majority of Republicans in Congress, earlier that year.[18][43] In the end, Goldwater received 38.4% of the popular vote, and carried six states: Arizona (with 50.45% of the popular vote) and the core states of the Deep South: Alabama, Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi, and South Carolina. In carrying Georgia by a margin of 54–45, Goldwater became the first Republican nominee to win the state.

In all, Johnson won an overwhelming 486 electoral votes, to Goldwater's 52. Goldwater, with his customary bluntness, remarked, "We would have lost even if Abraham Lincoln had come back and campaigned with us." He maintained later in life that he would have won the election if the country had not been in a state of extended grief (referring to the assassination of John F. Kennedy), and that it was simply not ready for a third President in just 14 months.

Goldwater's poor showing pulled down many supporters. Of the 57 Republican Congressmen who endorsed Goldwater before the convention, 20 were defeated for reelection, along with many promising young Republicans. On the other hand, the defeat of so many older politicians created openings for young conservatives to move up the ladder. While the loss of moderate Republicans was temporary—they were back by 1966—Goldwater also permanently pulled many conservative Southerners and white ethnics out of the New Deal Coalition.[44]

"In the South, Goldwater broke through and won five states—the best showing in the region for a GOP candidate since Reconstruction. In Mississippi—where Franklin D. Roosevelt had won nearly 100 percent of the vote just 28 years earlier—Goldwater claimed a staggering 87 percent."[45] It has frequently been argued that Goldwater's strong performance in Southern states previously regarded as Democratic strongholds foreshadowed a larger shift in electoral trends in the coming decades that would make the South a Republican bastion (an end to the "Solid South")—first in presidential politics and eventually at the congressional and state levels, as well.[46]

Goldwater and the revival of American conservatism[]

Although Goldwater was not as important in the American conservative movement as Ronald Reagan after 1965, he shaped and redefined the movement from the late 1950s to 1964. Arizona Senator John McCain, who had succeeded Goldwater in the Senate in 1987, summed up Goldwater's legacy, "He transformed the Republican Party from an Eastern elitist organization to the breeding ground for the election of Ronald Reagan."[47] Columnist George Will remarked after the 1980 Presidential election that it took 16 years to count the votes from 1964 and Goldwater won.[48]

The Republican Party recovered from the 1964 election debacle, picking up 47 seats in the House of Representatives in the 1966 mid-term election. Further Republican successes ensued, including Goldwater's return to the Senate in 1968. In January of that year, Goldwater wrote an article in the National Review "affirming that he [was] not against liberals, that liberals are needed as a counterweight to conservatism, and that he had in mind a fine liberal like Max Lerner".[49]

Goldwater was a strong supporter of the environment. He explained his position in 1969:

I feel very definitely that the [Nixon] administration is absolutely correct in cracking down on companies and corporations and municipalities that continue to pollute the nation's air and water. While I am a great believer in the free competitive enterprise system and all that it entails, I am an even stronger believer in the right of our people to live in a clean and pollution-free environment. To this end, it is my belief that when pollution is found, it should be halted at the source, even if this requires stringent government action against important segments of our national economy.[50]

Throughout the 1970s, as the conservative wing under Reagan gained control of the party, Goldwater concentrated on his Senate duties, especially in military affairs. He played little part in the election or administration of Richard Nixon, but he helped force Nixon's resignation in 1974.[51] In 1976 he helped block Rockefeller's renomination as vice president. When Reagan challenged Ford for the presidential nomination in 1976, Goldwater endorsed Ford, looking for consensus rather than conservative idealism. As one historian notes, "The Arizonan had lost much of his zest for battle."[52][53][54]

In 1979, when President Carter normalized relations with Communist China, Goldwater and some other senators sued him in the Supreme Court, arguing that the president could not terminate the Sino-American Mutual Defense Treaty with Republic of China (Taiwan) without the approval of Congress. The case, Goldwater v. Carter, was dismissed by the court as a political question.

Later life[]

By the 1980s, with Ronald Reagan as president and the growing involvement of the religious right in conservative politics, Goldwater's libertarian views on personal issues were revealed; he believed that they were an integral part of true conservatism. Goldwater viewed abortion as a matter of personal choice, not intended for government intervention.

As a passionate defender of personal liberty, he saw the religious right's views as an encroachment on personal privacy and individual liberties. In his 1980 Senate reelection campaign, Goldwater won support from religious conservatives but in his final term voted consistently to uphold legalized abortion and, in 1981, gave a speech on how he was angry about the bullying of American politicians by religious organizations, and would "fight them every step of the way".[57][58][59] Goldwater also disagreed with the Reagan administration on certain aspects of foreign policy (for example, he opposed the decision to mine Nicaraguan harbors). Notwithstanding his prior differences with Dwight D. Eisenhower, Goldwater in a 1986 interview rated him the best of the seven Presidents with whom he had worked.

On May 12, 1986, Goldwater was presented with the Presidential Medal of Freedom by President Ronald Reagan.

After his retirement in 1987, Goldwater described the Arizona Governor Evan Mecham as "hardheaded" and called on him to resign, and two years later stated that the Republican party had been taken over by a "bunch of kooks".

He is a 1987 recipient of the Langley Gold Medal from the Smithsonian Institution. In 1988, in recognition of his career, Princeton University's American Whig-Cliosophic Society awarded Goldwater the James Madison Award for Distinguished Public Service.[61]

In a 1994 interview with the Washington Post, the retired senator said,

When you say "radical right" today, I think of these moneymaking ventures by fellows like Pat Robertson and others who are trying to take the Republican party and make a religious organization out of it. If that ever happens, kiss politics goodbye.[62]

Goldwater visited the small town of Bowen, Illinois in 1989 to see first hand where his mother was raised.

In response to Moral Majority founder Jerry Falwell's opposition to the nomination of Sandra Day O'Connor to the Supreme Court, of which Falwell had said, "Every good Christian should be concerned", Goldwater retorted: "Every good Christian ought to kick Falwell right in the ass."[63][64] (According to John Dean, Goldwater actually suggested that good Christians ought to kick Falwell in the "nuts", but the news media "changed the anatomical reference."[65][page needed]) Goldwater also had harsh words for his one-time political protegé, President Reagan, particularly after the Iran-Contra Affair became public in 1986. Journalist Robert MacNeil, a friend of Goldwater's from the 1964 Presidential campaign, recalled interviewing him in his office shortly afterward. "He was sitting in his office with his hands on his cane... and he said to me, 'Well, aren't you going to ask me about the Iran arms sales?' It had just been announced that the Reagan administration had sold arms to Iran. And I said, 'Well, if I asked you, what would you say?' He said, 'I'd say it's the god-damned stupidest foreign policy blunder this country's ever made!'",[66] though aside from the Iran-Contra scandal, Goldwater thought nonetheless that Reagan was a good president.[67] In 1988 during that year's presidential campaign, he pointedly told vice-presidential nominee Dan Quayle at a campaign event in Arizona "I want you to go back and tell George Bush to start talking about the issues."[68]

Some of Goldwater's statements in the 1990s alienated many social conservatives. He endorsed Democrat Karan English in an Arizona congressional race, urged Republicans to lay off Bill Clinton over the Whitewater scandal, and criticized the military's ban on homosexuals:[62] "Everyone knows that gays have served honorably in the military since at least the time of Julius Caesar."[69] He also said, "You don't need to be 'straight' to fight and die for your country. You just need to shoot straight."[70] A few years before his death he went so far as to address establishment Republicans by saying, "Do not associate my name with anything you do. You are extremists, and you've hurt the Republican party much more than the Democrats have."[71]

In 1996, he told Bob Dole, whose own presidential campaign received lukewarm support from conservative Republicans: "We're the new liberals of the Republican party. Can you imagine that?"[72] In that same year, with Senator Dennis DeConcini, Goldwater endorsed an Arizona initiative to legalize medical marijuana against the countervailing opinion of social conservatives.[73]

Hobbies and interests[]

Amateur radio[]

Goldwater was an avid amateur radio operator from the early 1920s onwards, with the call signs 6BPI, K3UIG and K7UGA.[74][75] The latter is now used by an Arizona club honoring him as a commemorative call. During the Vietnam War, he spent many hours giving servicemen overseas the ability to talk to their families at home over the Military Affiliate Radio System (MARS).

Goldwater was also a prominent spokesman for amateur radio and its enthusiasts. Beginning in 1969 up to his death he appeared in numerous educational and promotional films (and later videos) about the hobby that were produced for the American Radio Relay League (the United States national society representing the interests of radio amateurs) by such producers as Dave Bell (W6AQ), ARRL Southwest Director John R. Griggs (W6KW), Alan Kaul (W6RCL), Forrest Oden (N6ENV), and the late Roy Neal (K6DUE). His first appearance was in Dave Bell's "The World of Amateur Radio" where Goldwater discussed the history of the hobby and demonstrated a live contact with Antarctica. His last on-screen appearance dealing with "ham radio" was in 1994, explaining a then-upcoming, Earth-orbiting ham radio relay satellite.

Electronics were a hobby for Goldwater beyond amateur radio. He enjoyed assembling Heathkits, completing more than 100 and often visiting their maker in Benton Harbor, Michigan to buy more, before the company exited the kit business in 1992.[76]

Kachina dolls[]

In 1916, Goldwater visited the Hopi Reservation with Phoenix architect John Rinker Kibby, and obtained his first kachina doll. Eventually his doll collection included 437 items and was presented in 1969 to the Heard Museum in Phoenix.[77]

Photography[]

Goldwater was an accomplished amateur photographer and in his estate left some 15,000 of his images to three Arizona institutions. He was very keen on candid photography. He got started in photography after receiving a camera as a gift from his wife on their first Christmas together. He was known to use a 4x5Graflex, Rolleiflex camera,16 MM Bell and Howell motion picture camera, and Nikon FT 35 mm. He was a member of the Royal Photographic Society from 1941 becoming a Life Member in 1948.[78]

For decades, he contributed photographs of his home state to Arizona Highways and was best known for his Western landscapes and pictures of Native Americans in the United States. Three books with his photographs are People and Places, from 1967; Barry Goldwater and the Southwest, from 1976; and Delightful Journey, first published in 1940 and reprinted in 1970. Ansel Adams wrote a foreword to the 1976 book.[79]

Goldwater's photography interests occasionally crossed over with his political career, as well. John Kennedy, as president, was known to invite former congressional colleagues to the White House for a drink. On one occasion, Goldwater brought his camera and photographed President Kennedy. When Kennedy received the photo, he returned it to Goldwater, with the inscription, "For Barry Goldwater – Whom I urge to follow the career for which he has shown such talent – photography! – from his friend – John Kennedy." This quip became a classic of American political humor after it was made famous by humorist Bennett Cerf. The photo itself was prized by Goldwater for the rest of his life, and recently sold for $17,925 in a Heritage auction.[80]

Son Michael Prescott Goldwater formed the Goldwater Family Foundation with the goal of making his father's photography available via the internet. (Barry Goldwater Photographs) was launched in September 2006 to coincide with the HBO documentary "Mr. Conservative", produced by granddaughter CC Goldwater.

UFOs[]

Goldwater was one of the more prominent American politicians to openly show an interest in UFOs.

On March 28, 1975, Goldwater wrote to Shlomo Arnon: "The subject of UFOs has interested me for some long time. About ten or twelve years ago I made an effort to find out what was in the building at Wright-Patterson Air Force Base where the information has been stored that has been collected by the Air Force, and I was understandably denied this request. It is still classified above Top Secret."[81] Goldwater further wrote that there were rumors the evidence would be released, and that he was "just as anxious to see this material as you are, and I hope we will not have to wait much longer."[81]

The April 25, 1988, issue of The New Yorker carried an interview where Goldwater said he repeatedly asked his friend, Gen. Curtis LeMay, if there was any truth to the rumors that UFO evidence was stored in a secret room at Wright-Patterson Air Force Base, and if he (Goldwater) might have access to the room. According to Goldwater, an angry LeMay gave him "holy hell" and said, "Not only can't you get into it but don't you ever mention it to me again."[82]

In a 1988 interview on Larry King's radio show, Goldwater was asked if he thought the U.S. Government was withholding UFO evidence; he replied "Yes, I do." He added:

I certainly believe in aliens in space. They may not look like us, but I have very strong feelings that they have advanced beyond our mental capabilities... I think some highly secret government UFO investigations are going on that we don't know about – and probably never will unless the Air Force discloses them.[83]

Goldwater Scholarship[]

The Barry M. Goldwater Scholarship and Excellence in Education Program was established by Congress in 1986.[84] Its goal is to provide a continuing source of highly qualified scientists, mathematicians, and engineers by awarding scholarships to college students who intend to pursue careers in these fields.

The Scholarship is widely considered the most prestigious award in the U.S. conferred upon undergraduates studying the sciences. It is awarded to about 300 students (college sophomores and juniors) nationwide in the amount of $7500 per academic year (for their senior year, or junior and senior years).[85] It honors Goldwater's keen interest in science and technology.

Death[]

Goldwater's public appearances ended in late 1996 after he suffered a massive stroke; family members then disclosed he was in the early stages of Alzheimer's disease. He died on May 29, 1998, at the age of 89 at his long-time home in Paradise Valley, Arizona, of complications from the stroke.[86] His ashes were buried at the Episcopal Christ Church of the Ascension in Paradise Valley, Arizona. A memorial statue set in a small park has been erected to honor the memory of Goldwater in that town, near his former home and current resting place.

Buildings and monuments[]

Among the buildings and monuments named after Barry Goldwater are: the Barry M. Goldwater Terminal at Phoenix Sky Harbor International Airport, Goldwater Memorial Park[87] in Paradise Valley, Arizona, the Barry Goldwater Air Force Academy Visitor Center at the United States Air Force Academy, and Barry Goldwater High School in northern Phoenix. In 2010 former Arizona Attorney General Grant Woods, himself a Goldwater scholar and supporter, founded the Goldwater Women's Tennis Classic Tournament to be held annually at the Phoenix Country Club in Phoenix, AZ.[88]

Documentary[]

Goldwater's granddaughter, CC Goldwater, has co-produced with longtime friend and independent film producer Tani L. Cohen a documentary on Goldwater's life, Mr. Conservative: Goldwater on Goldwater, first shown on HBO on September 18, 2006.[89]

Books[]

  • Goldwater, Barry (1960). "The Conscience of a Conservative". ISBN 0-89526-540-0. .
  • Goldwater, Barry (1963). "Why Not Victory? A fresh look at American policy". OCLC 25326755. .
  • Goldwater, Barry (1971). "Conscience of a Majority". ISBN 0-671-78096-4. .
  • Goldwater, Barry (1976). "The Coming Breakpoint". ISBN 0-02-544611-8. .
  • Goldwater, Barry (1977). "Arizona". ISBN 0-938379-04-6. .
  • Goldwater, Barry (1979). "With No Apologies: The Personal and Political Memoirs of Senator Barry M. Goldwater". ISBN 978-0688035471. .
  • Goldwater, Barry (1988). "Goldwater". ISBN 0-385-23947-5. .

Relatives[]

Goldwater's son, Barry Goldwater, Jr., served as a Congressman from California from 1969 to 1983. He was the first Congressman to serve while having a father in the Senate. Goldwater's nephew, Don Goldwater, sought the Arizona Republican Party nomination for Governor of Arizona in 2006, but was defeated by Len Munsil.

Notes[]

  1. ↑Internet Accuracy Project, Senator Barry Goldwater. Retrieved September 23, 2010.
  2. ↑Poole, Robert (August–Sept 1998). "In memoriam: Barry Goldwater". Archived from the original on 2012-05-25. http://archive.is/29J5. .
  3. ↑Zornik, George. "Thoroughly modern grandmothers". High beam. http://www.highbeam.com/doc/1P2-1284836.html. Retrieved March 3, 2012. 
  4. ↑"Barry Goldwater". The Washington Post. May 13, 1997. http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-srv/style/longterm/books/chap1/barrygoldwater.htm. Retrieved March 30, 2010. 
  5. ↑"Barry Goldwater, Conservative and Individualist, Dies at 89". The New York Times. http://www.nytimes.com/books/01/04/01/specials/goldwater-obit.html. Retrieved March 30, 2010. 
  6. ↑"Worship: Goldwater's Faith". Time. August 28, 1964. http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,876116,00.html. Retrieved March 3, 2012. 
  7. ↑A Jewish essayist famously remarked of Goldwater: Golden, Harry Golden (November 22, 1963). "The Taboo". http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,898063,00.html. "I have always thought that if a Jew ever became President, he would turn out to be an Episcopalian." 
  8. ↑"Major General Barry M Goldwater". US Air Force. Archived from the original on 2012-07-29. http://archive.is/QuDi. 
  9. ↑"Life". Books. Google. September 18, 1964. http://books.google.com/books?id=-EgEAAAAMBAJ&pg=PA93&lpg=PA93&dq=goldwater+and+the+desegregation+of+the+arizona+air+national+guard&source=bl&ots=ZpoJA8bHRB&sig=JI8LrknD0ER1FQqg-Q7HQZim7hM&ei=2sYsTci4JIG8lQeP1sywCw&sa=X&oi=book_result&ct=result&resnum=4&ved=0CCkQ6AEwAw#v=onepage&q=goldwater%20and%20the%20desegregation%20of%20the%20arizona%20air%20national%20guard&f=false. Retrieved March 3, 2012. 
  10. ↑Lavender, David. "River Runners of the Grand Canyon". ISBN 0-8165-0940-9. .
  11. ↑"A Look at the Life of Barry Goldwater". The Washington Post. June 5, 1998. http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-srv/politics/daily/may98/goldwaterchrono.htm. Retrieved March 30, 2010. 
  12. 18.018.1Cosman, Bernard (1966). "Five States for Goldwater: Continuity and change in Southern presidential voting patterns". .
  13. ↑Morgenthau, Hans J (September 1964). "Goldwater-The Romantic Regression". .
  14. ↑"Red China Admitted to UN: 1971 Year in Review". UPI. December 28, 1971. http://www.upi.com/Audio/Year_in_Review/Events-of-1971/12295509436546-1/#title. Retrieved March 3, 2012. 
  15. ↑"You tube". Google. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FsuxC6Ft92I. [dead link]
  16. 24.024.1"Mr. Conservative: Goldwater on Goldwater". HBO. http://www.mrconservativegoldwaterongoldwater.com/. .
  17. ↑"Living room candidate". Goldwater. 1964. http://www.livingroomcandidate.org/commercials/1964/ike-at-gettysburg. .
  18. ↑"Living room candidate". Johnson. 1964. http://www.livingroomcandidate.org/commercials/1964/eastern-seabord. .
  19. ↑"Living room candidate". Johnson. 1964. http://www.livingroomcandidate.org/commercials/1964/social-security. .
  20. ↑"Error: no specified when using {{Cite web}}". Living room candidate. Goldwater. September 7, 1964. http://www.livingroomcandidate.org/commercials/1964/ronald-reagan. Retrieved March 3, 2012. 
  21. ↑Reagan, Ronald (October 27, 1964). "A Time for Choosing". http://www.americanrhetoric.com/speeches/ronaldreaganatimeforchoosing.htm. .
  22. ↑McLellan, Dennis (October 24, 2002). "Denison Kitchel, 94; Ran Goldwater's Presidential Bid". Los Angeles Times. http://articles.latimes.com/2002/oct/24/local/me-kitchel24. Retrieved June 2, 2013. 
  23. ↑Nina Tannenwald (2006). "Nuclear Weapons and the Vietnam War". pp. 675–722. http://www.watsoninstitute.org/pub/vietnam_weapons.pdf. 
  24. ↑Matthews 2002
  25. ↑"Harper's Magazine". Tentacles of Rage. http://www.mindfully.org/Reform/2004/Republican-Propaganda1sep04.htm. 
  26. Our Defense: a Crucial Issue for Candidates. September 25, 1964. p. 11. http://books.google.com/books?id=rUwEAAAAMBAJ&pg=PA11-IA1&dq=goldwater+1964+%22small+conventional+nuclear+weapons%22)+intitle:life&hl=en&sa=X&ei=TQxPT4KGFMmngwftxsXoDQ&ved=0CDYQ6AEwAA. Retrieved March 3, 2012. 
  27. ↑"Goldwater ad". Livingroomcandidate.org. September 7, 1964. http://www.livingroomcandidate.org/commercials/1964/raymond-massey. Retrieved March 3, 2012. 
  28. ↑"Goldwater ad". Livingroomcandidate.org. September 7, 1964. http://www.livingroomcandidate.org/commercials/1964/senator-margaret-chase. Retrieved March 3, 2012. 
  29. ↑Richard A. Friedman (May 23, 2011). "How a Telescopic Lens Muddles Psychiatric Insights". Archived from the original on May 27, 2011. http://web.archive.org/web/20110527032731/http://www.nytimes.com/2011/05/24/health/views/24mind.html?ref=science. Retrieved May 24, 2011. 
  30. ↑"Libel: Fact, Fiction, Doubt & Barry". Time. May 17, 1968. http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,838361,00.html. Retrieved March 3, 2012.
Sours: https://military.wikia.org/wiki/Barry_Goldwater
Barry Goldwater - Wikipedia audio article

She took his penis in her hand and began to slowly move along its entire length, slightly opening the head. Up, down, up, down. Then he felt her lips, she ran her tongue over the head of the penis and gently took it into her mouth. Her rhythmic sucking drove him crazy, he got all.

Close in anticipation of a quick denouement, but suddenly it was all over.

Now discussing:

This is the truth of life. And this is sad. As luck would have it, on the same day, my husband Dima showed up at the salon. Seeing him, I smiled, but when I saw a gorgeous bouquet on the counter, he immediately turned around and left. On this our meeting ended, and did not have time to begin.



21 22 23 24 25